13 June 2007

The Al Askari Mosque is bombed for a second time.

Al-Askari mosque 2007 bombing
Al-Askari Mosque 2006.jpg
The mosque after the first bombing in 2006
Samarra, Iraq
Date13 June 2007
TargetAl-Askari Mosque
Attack type
Bombing (demolition) or a rocket or mortar attack
PerpetratorsAttributed to the Iraqi Baath Party

The 2007 al-Askari mosque bombing (Arabic: تفجير مسجد العسكري‎) occurred on 13 June 2007 at around 9 am local time at one of the holiest sites in Shia Islam, the al-Askari Mosque, and has been attributed by Iran to the Iraqi Baath Party.[1] While there were no injuries or deaths reported, the mosque's two ten-story minarets were destroyed in the attacks. This was the second bombing of the mosque, with the first bombing occurring on 22 February 2006 and destroying the mosque's golden dome.

By April 2009, both minarets had been repaired.[2]

The bombing

At around 9 am on 13 June 2007, insurgents destroyed the two remaining ten-story tall golden minarets flanking the ruins of the dome of the Al-Askari Mosque. The mosque compound and minarets had been closed since the 2006 bombing and no fatalities were reported. Iraqi police reported hearing "two nearly simultaneous explosions coming from inside the mosque compound at around 9 am"[3] Local residents reported blasts that shook the city and sent a cloud of dust into the air.[4]

While it has been stated that "the collapse of the two minarets appeared to have been caused by explosive charges placed at their bases",[5] different reports have caused some confusion as to whether bombs were actually used. A release from state run Iraqia Television stated that "local officials said that two mortar rounds were fired at the two minarets",[3] in addition "a government spokesman claimed the minarets were hit by rockets".[6]

It has been noted that the attack was one in a string of bombings in 2007 against major Shi'ite shrines, including two car bomb attacks in Karbala: one near the Imam Husayn Shrine (which killed 36 people and wounded 168) and the other near the Imam Abbas shrine, the second-holiest site in Shi'ite Islam, which killed at least 58 people and wounded 169.[3]

Events around changing of the guard

Since the 2006 bombing of the al-Askari shrine, it had been under protection of local guards who were predominantly Sunni. Both American military and Iraqi security officials were worried that the guards had been infiltrated by Al Qaeda forces in Iraq.[3] To counter this the Ministry of Interior in Baghdad were bringing in a new guard unit – predominantly Shiite. This changing of the guard is believed to have had some role in the timing of the attack.[3] Abdul Sattar Abdul Jabbar, a prominent Sunni cleric, told Al Jazeera television that local Sunnis may have been provoked as he claimed "the new guards had arrived at the shrine shouting sectarian slogans".[3] Gunfire was reported around the shrine before the attack, "which may have been related to the change of guards."[3] Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki stated that Policemen at the shrine (15 of them according to US military sources[4]) had been detained for questioning along with "an unspecified number of other suspects."[4][7] It was confirmed that "the entire Iraqi security force responsible for guarding the mosque, the 3rd Battalion of the Salahuddin province police, was detained for investigation."[5] The Interior Ministry would only tell reporters that agents of "a terrorist group" had been arrested and were under interrogation.[7] On Sunday 17 June 2007 Iraqi forces captured four additional suspects and their raid "also turned up a compact disc showing attacks on U.S.-led troops, blasting caps and detonation wire, identification cards for access to al-Askari mosque and photographs depicting terrorist training exercises."[8]

Reactions in Iraq

Nouri al-Maliki's address and the U.S. military response

In the afternoon after the attack Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki addressed Iraqi national television. Standing before the flag of Iraq he said "I call on all civilians and believers and clergy to talk to people about the necessity of self-control and wisdom to foil the scheme of those evil ones who want to make use of this crime for political reasons."[6] He then read a quote from a prayer of Abraham found in the Qur'an "God, make this country safe and send its people your blessed rewards."[6]

The day of the attack al-Maliki asked Gen. David Petraeus, and U.S. Ambassador Ryan Crocker to send American reinforcements to Samarra, and to put U.S. troops in Baghdad on heightened alert.[7] Both American officials issued a joint statement saying "This brutal action on one of Iraq's holiest shrines is a deliberate attempt by al-Qaeda to sow dissent and inflame sectarian strife among the people of Iraq."[4][9] Petraeus told reporters that al-Qaeda's agents probably acted because they "are under a fair amount of pressure. I think they know that we are going to contest some of the areas in which they have had sanctuaries in the past."[9]

There were already a few hundred U.S. troops stationed around Samarra before the attack, though they rarely entered the shrine's perimeter leaving its protection to Iraqi forces.[7] After making his request Al-Maliki traveled to Samarra accompanied by U.S. troops under Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno to visit the ruins of the mosque.[4] General Petraeus later stated that they were also "helping to move reinforcements to Samarra from the Iraqi national police."[9] U.S. military spokesman Lt. Col. Christopher Garver stated that the US military in Iraq is "obviously very concerned about this and our primary goal is to prevent any violence of the kind that broke out after the last bombing."[4] Presidential spokesman Tony Snow said "there will be aggressive outreach on all sides" by American officials to try to head off any further violence.[4]

Ali al-Sistani's call

Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani condemned the bombing but called on "believers to exercise self-restraint and avoid any vengeful act that would target innocent people or the holy places of others".[3][7] Sistani later condemned reprisal attacks on Sunni mosques in the southern city of Basra (see below), demanding a halt to such violence. His spokesman Hamed al-Khafaf stated "He heavily condemns the attacks against the mosques of Talha ben Obaida Alla and al-Eshra al Mubashera in Basra. He calls on believers to prevent, as much as they can, such attacks from taking place on mosques and shrines".[10]

Sadrist reactions

Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr called for peaceful demonstrations and three days of mourning. He stated that he believed no Sunni Arab could have been behind the attack. He ruled out the possibility that it was done by Muslims, declaring that it was "done at the hands of the occupation."[6] He said "We declare a three-day mourning period . . . and shout Allahu Akbar from Sunni and Shiite mosques."[5] Sadr criticized the Iraqi government for failing to protect the site, and said the U.S. occupation is "the only enemy of Iraq" and "that's why everyone must demand its departure".[4] Sadr called the attack part of a "U.S. and Israeli plan to split Iraq's unity."[11]

Throughout Baghdad and across much of Iraq, loudspeakers from Shiite mosques called for demonstrations.[5] At Najaf over 3,000 al-Sadr loyalists staged a protest, shouting "No, no to America!", "No, no to Israel!" and "No, no to sedition!"[4]

Sadr's 30-member bloc immediately suspended any participation in parliament out of protest to the bombing, and resolved to not participate "until the government takes realistic steps to rebuild the Askariya shrine" (they also called for the rebuilding of all damaged Shiite and Sunni mosques).[3][4][5] This action by the Sadrists is seen as a further blow to the already weakened al-Maliki government and will further impede the legislative process towards national reconciliation in Iraq.[4] Maliki had just the day before been visited by U.S. Deputy Secretary of State John D. Negroponte who pressured him for quicker results against sectarian violence, and on Sunday 10 June 2007 Admiral William J. Fallon told al-Maliki that an increasing number of U.S. Congressmen were opposed to continuing to give aid to Iraq, and also opposed to maintaining the American military presence there, and that if the Iraqi government wanted to counter that mounting opposition, it needed to be making progress, by July.[11]

Sadr's position has been viewed as one of the reasons that the spiraling violence that followed the 2006 bombing was not immediately repeated. His Al Mahdi militia was largely blamed for much of the 2006 violence but it has followed his line in blaming US and Israeli agents for the 2007 bombing. One of Sadr's spokesmen Salman Fraiji repeated such claims of conspiracy, saying "To split the [Suni and Shiite] Muslims is a card that the occupation is playing. The ill-intentioned colonizers have an old saying: 'divide and conquer.'" Many experts see Sadr's increase of anti-American rhetoric as "an effort to position himself for a powerful political role when U.S. forces leave Iraq." Vali Nasr, a Middle East expert at the Naval Postgraduate School expanded on this saying "Since the start in February of the U.S. military crackdown in Baghdad and environs, Sadr has been uncharacteristically subdued, an indication that he is waiting for U.S. forces to leave before reclaiming a prominent role. Definitely there is a sort of strategy in play, which is 'wait and see.' Sadr, unlike the U.S. troops, faces no deadline pressure."[12]

Under the curfews

On the day of the bombing an indefinite curfew was placed on Samarra by the Iraqi police. Samarra's streets were emptied by mid-afternoon after the arrival of more police and American troops.[4] For the remainder of the day Iraqi security forces patrolled Samarra "firing in the air and announcing the curfew from loudspeakers mounted on jeeps. ... Members of the Iraqi security forces, which are dominated by Shiites, yelled threats at Samarra residents, blaming them for the destruction of the mosque and threatening revenge. Some citizens, meanwhile, hurled remarks back, asking how anyone could destroy the minarets when the entire religious complex was being so carefully guarded by Iraqi security forces."[5]

Beginning at 3 pm of the same day, a curfew was also placed on vehicle traffic and large gatherings in the capital Baghdad.[5][7][13][14] The Baghdad curfew had originally been set to expire on Saturday 16 June 2007,[4] it was lifted at 5 am (0100 GMT) on Sunday 17 June.[15]

Retaliatory attacks

According to Iraqi police, on the day of the bombing before the curfew in the capital could take hold, arsonists set a Sunni mosque ablaze in the neighborhood of Bayaa in western Baghdad.[6] A Shiite shrine was also bombed north of Baghdad and four Sunni mosques near Baghdad were also attacked or burned.[7][16] In Iskandariyah, south of the capital, two Sunni mosques were bombed (one being demolished the other losing its minaret)[6][7]

In the city of Basra four people were slain and six wounded in attacks with rocket-propelled grenades on the Kawaz, Othman, al-Abayshi and Basra Grand mosques.[16] Visitors to the Talha Ibn Obeidallah mosque in Zubeir, west of Basra, got past Iraqi police by claiming they wanted to film the mosque but placed bombs instead and then detonated them after leaving.[17] Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki upon learning of events in Basra placed the city under indefinite curfew, and arrested a number of Iraqi security forces from there.[17] He later fired Basra's police chief after witnesses reported local police did little to stop the attacks on the mosques.[18]

There were also reports that within the capital, in the New Baghdad neighborhood, a local Shiite mosque loudspeaker issued calls to Mahdi Army guerrillas and blamed U.S. troops for the attack.[6] The Mahdi guerrillas then cleared a marketplace and called for reinforcements to fight nearby American soldiers. Witnesses told of explosions and smoke coming from the highway.[6] In the upscale Mansour neighborhood, consisting predominately of Sunnis, gunfire was heard coming from an Iraqi army checkpoint set up to safeguard an often targeted Sunni mosque.[6]

A Sunni mosque that had been attacked on 13 June was targeted again on 14 June 2007. The Hateen mosque in Iskandariyah, which had only been partly destroyed was broken into around 4 am by assailants who planted bombs. The resulting explosion demolished most of the building and wounded a woman and child in a nearby apartment building. An assault by gunmen against the nearby al-Mustafa mosque also occurred early that day but they were repelled by Iraqi soldiers.[16] In the town of Mahaweel, south of Baghdad, gunmen opened fired on the al-Basheer mosque at dawn. They drove off the guards and set fire to the building, causing partial damage.[16] To the south of Baghdad, a mosque in the city of Tunis came under attack and Iraqi police found explosives in a mosque in Jabala.[12] The Washington Post stated that during the time of the curfews "At least 13 Sunni mosques came under attack in Iraq".[19]

While five bodies were found in Baghdad on Thursday the 14th, "presumed victims of sectarian death squads", the curfew was credited with causing a reduction in killing as the usual number is five times that.[12] The worst violence reported on Thursday in Baghdad was the seven mortar rounds fired against the Green Zone which killed three civilians.[12]

Protests in Iraq

On Thursday 14 June 2007, hundreds of people marched in non-violent demonstrations in the Baghdad neighborhood of Sadr City, and in the Shiite dominated cities of Kut, Diwaniyah, Najaf and Basra.[16]

Lifting of the Baghdad curfew

At the lifting of the Baghdad curfew the U.S. military reported it had captured 20 suspected insurgents and killed 14 others in separate operations over the weekend.[20] It was noted that the curfew was lifted a day after Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno admitted that security forces have full control of only 40 percent of the capital, which is now in the fifth month of the Iraq War troop surge of 2007.[20]

When the Baghdad curfew was lifted at 5 am (0100 GMT) on Sunday, 17 June,[15] residents traveling on the streets were caught in a huge traffic jam "spawned by hundreds of new police and army checkpoints".[20] The ban on vehicle traffic had also led to a lack of delivery trucks moving within the city causing steep price hikes in everything from fuel to fresh food. There were also increased power outages as the large number of people confined to their homes increased electrical usage, resulting in power for only four hours of the day. The lines for gasoline to run vehicles and generators "stretched for a mile or longer, in some cases weaving around several blocks, stretching from main roads deep into side streets. Black marketeers, some of them boys as young as 10, positioned their jerry cans of gas near the lines, charging three times the pump price."[20] Accusations of price gouging were made by many citizens.[20] "Vendors weaved between cars waiting in traffic, selling paper fans, soft drinks and tissues to mop brows dripping in temperatures that hit 112."[20] While police commandos on "pickup trucks mounted with machine guns" speed through the streets "with sirens blaring and headlights flashing", they did follow government orders "to stop shooting in the air to clear traffic or warn motorists coming too close."[20] As several bridges to the Sunni-dominated Karkh area and the Shiite majority Rusafa neighborhood have been targeted in the recent past, security was especially stiff on bridges where Iraq forces searching for truck bombs.[20] In some areas, like Karkh, where al-Queda is believed to be active police and military checkpoints were just 100 yards apart or less.[20] In often-targeted neighborhoods, like Mansour and Yarmouk, Iraqi soldiers were present behind concrete blast barriers.[20] In the Sunni-dominated neighborhoods within the Azamiyah area in northern Baghdad, which are known for insurgent activity, "Iraqi troops in combat gear patrolled the streets in armored cars. Soviet-era tanks were stationed on major roads and intersections. Much of Azamiyah was almost deserted, with most stores shuttered and little traffic on the streets."[20] By contrast the Shiite dominated enclave of Kasrah within that same area "was buzzing with shoppers in open-air markets. Kebab stands were doing a big business." Drastic differences were evident throughout Baghdad from one neighborhood to the next. For while in Karkh there were "stores shuttered and barbed wire or tree trunks blocking access to residential side roads. Row after row of houses seem abandoned and, in some parts, snipers fired randomly at pedestrians and cars", by contrast the streets of the heavily Shiite Karradah district in central Baghdad were crowded with shoppers and everything "appeared back to normal".[20]

While the government ordered higher security around the mosques of Baghdad a lack of increased security was reported around the major Sunni mosque al-Nidaa in northern Baghdad. Nor was there any noticed increase in security around Abdul-Qader al-Jilani mosque, which is "one of Iraq's holiest Sunni sites and the target of a recent bombing ... [and is] located in a small Sunni quarter surrounded by Shiite neighborhoods where the Mahdi Army militia, blamed for much of the sectarian violence, is active."[20]

Thirty-seven bodies slain by sectarian violence were reported in Baghdad on the day of the lifting of the curfew.[20]

Two days after the curfew was lifted the Al-Khilani Mosque bombing took place in Baghdad.

Relaxing of Samarra curfew

The 24-hour curfew in Samarra was relaxed on Saturday, 16 June but movement was restricted from 8 pm until 7 am on the afternoon of Monday 18 June 2007 four people were slain in the city when a suicide bomber drove his explosive laden car into a school being used to house police officers.[8]

International reaction

United Nations

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon called on "all Iraqis to avoid succumbing to the vicious cycle of revenge and to exercise maximum restraint while demonstrating unity and resolve in the face of this terrible attack."[9]


On the day of the bombing, in predominantly Shia Iran, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad blamed the U.S. for failing to prevent the bombing. He threatened to halt regional cooperation which many see as integral to ending the spiraling violence in Iraq.[4]


Also on the 13th in the nearby nation of Bahrain members of the Shiite ethnic majority marched through the streets of the capital Manama in protest of the bombing. In two back to back marches, demonstrators blamed both al-Qaeda and the U.S. shouting "Death to America" and "No to Terrorism." After the 2006 bombing more than 100,000 Bahrainis also demonstrated.[21]


Syed Ali Nasir Saeed Abaqati a leading Shia cleric from Lucknow, India held al-Qaeda responsible for destruction of the Al-Askari Mosque in Samarra, Iraq.[22]

On 14 June 2007 in the Indian administrated territory of Kashmir over 500 Shiite demonstrators demonstrated in response to the bombing by marching in the city of Srinagar. They carried black flags, copies of the Qur'an, shouted anti-American slogans, such as "Down with Bush, down with US", and burned effigies of President George W. Bush. Demonstrator Haidar Ali told reporters "Our protest is against the bombing, against the American occupation of Iraq which has led to bombing." There were further demonstrations in other towns across Kashmir.[23][24]


The U.S. military announced on 14 June 2007 that it had "detained 25 suspects in raids against al-Qaida in Iraq over the past two days." This included a suspect "believed to be a close associate of Omar al-Baghdadi, who headed al-Qaida's Islamic State in Iraq."[16] On 16 June 2007 three American troops were killed by explosions near their vehicles – two in Baghdad and one at Kirkuk province.[20]

The alleged mastermind of both the minaret bombings and the February 2006 blasts, Haitham al-Badri, was killed in August 2007 by a U.S. airstrike.[25]

See also


  1. ^ "Baathist hands behind Samarra attack". Press TV. 13 June 2007. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  2. ^ "Bombed Iraq shrine reopens to visitors". Archived from the original on 28 May 2009. Retrieved 20 April 2009.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i Graham Bowley (13 June 2007). "Minarets on Shiite Shrine in Iraq Destroyed in Attack". The New York Times. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Charles J. Hanley (13 June 2007). "Iraq bombers topple Samarra minarets". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 16 June 2007. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g John Ward Anderson and Muhanned Saif Aldin (13 June 2007). "Blasts Destroy Remnants of Samarra Shiite Shrine". The Washington Post. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i Larry Kaplow (13 June 2007). "Attacked Again". Newsweek. Retrieved 15 June 2007.[dead link]
  7. ^ a b c d e f g h Qassim Abdul-Zahra (13 June 2007). "Bombers again strike key Shiite shrine". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 15 June 2007. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  8. ^ a b Tina Susman (19 June 2007). "Violence resumes, scores die as curfews are lifted in Iraq". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 20 June 2007.[permanent dead link]
  9. ^ a b c d Judy Mathewson (13 June 2007). "Iraqi, U.S. Officials Act Against Violence After Mosque Attack". Bloomberg. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  10. ^ "Sistani Urges End To Attacks on Sunni Mosque". Reuters. Archived from the original on 28 September 2007. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
  11. ^ a b Robin Stringer (13 June 2007). "Iraqi Shiite Shrine in Samarra Hit by Bomb Blasts". Bloomberg. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  12. ^ a b c d Tina Susman and Suhail Ahmad (15 June 2007). "Uneasy calm holds after Samarra attack". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
  13. ^ Qassim Abdul-Zahra (13 June 2007). "Iraqi police say famous shrine attacked". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 16 June 2007. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  14. ^ "Blast hits key Iraq Shia shrine". BBC News. 13 June 2007. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  15. ^ a b "4-day curfew lifted in Baghdad". Press TV. 17 June 2007. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
  16. ^ a b c d e f Sameer N. Yacoub (14 June 2007). "Protests and sporadic attacks on Sunni mosques mark day after Shiite shrine bombing". Chicago Sun-Times. Associated Press. Retrieved 15 June 2007.[dead link]
  17. ^ a b "Curfew imposed after attack on Sunni shrine". CNN. 15 June 2007. Archived from the original on 13 August 2007. Retrieved 24 June 2007.
  18. ^ John Ward Anderson and Salih Dehima (20 June 2007). "Offensive Targets Al-Qaeda in Iraq". The Washington Post. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
  19. ^ Joshua Partlow (15 June 2007). "Mosques Hit After Shrine Attack". The Washington Post. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
  20. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Hamza Hendawi (17 June 2007). "Residents Emerge After Baghdad Lockdown". The Guardian. London. Associated Press. Retrieved 20 June 2007.[dead link]
  21. ^ "Bahraini Shiites protest in anger over Iraq shrine bombings". 13 June 2007. Archived from the original on 15 June 2007. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  22. ^ Sadiq, Jawad blame US; Abaqati puts it on Qaeda. The Hindustan Times, 15 June 2007 Archived 5 November 2012 at the Wayback Machine
  23. ^ "Angry protests in Indian Kashmir against attack on Shiite Shrine in Iraq". Associated Press. 14 June 2007. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  24. ^ "Kashmir Shiites protest Iraq shrine attack". Agence France-Presse. 14 June 2007. Archived from the original on 26 September 2007. Retrieved 15 June 2007.
  25. ^ Reuters AlertNet – U.S. forces kill al Qaeda mosque bomber in Iraq Archived 21 February 2011 at WebCite

External links

Coordinates: 34°11′56″N 43°52′25″E / 34.19889°N 43.87361°E / 34.19889; 43.87361

3 May 2007

The 3-year-old British girl Madeleine McCann disappears in Praia da Luz, Portugal, starting “the most heavily reported missing-person case in modern history”.

Disappearance of Madeleine McCann
Madeleine McCann, aged three and (age-progressed) nine.jpg
Madeleine in 2007, aged three, and forensic artist's impression of what she may have looked like in 2012, aged nine[1]
Madeleine Beth McCann

(2003-05-12)12 May 2003
Leicester, England, UK
Disappeared3 May 2007 (aged 3)
5A Rua Dr Agostinho da Silva, Praia da Luz, Portugal
37°05′19″N 8°43′51″W / 37.08866°N 8.73084°W / 37.08866; -8.73084Coordinates: 37°05′19″N 8°43′51″W / 37.08866°N 8.73084°W / 37.08866; -8.73084
StatusMissing for 13 years, 9 months and 26 days
Height90 cm (2 ft 11 in)[2]
  • Gerry McCann
  • Kate McCann (née Healy)
Distinguishing featuresBlonde hair; "[l]eft eye: blue and green; right eye: green with a brown spot on the iris ... small brown spot on her left leg".[3]
ContactMadeleine's Fund

Madeleine Beth McCann (born 12 May 2003) disappeared on the evening of 3 May 2007 from her bed in a holiday apartment at a resort in Praia da Luz, in the Algarve region of Portugal. The Daily Telegraph described the disappearance as "the most heavily reported missing-person case in modern history".[4] Her whereabouts remain unknown,[5] and German prosecutors in 2020 have stated that they assume that she is dead.[6]

Madeleine was on holiday from the UK with her parents, Kate and Gerry McCann; her two-year-old twin siblings; and a group of family friends and their children. She and the twins had been left asleep at 20:30 in the ground-floor apartment, while the McCanns and friends dined in a restaurant 55 metres (180 ft) away.[7] The parents checked on the children throughout the evening, until Kate discovered she was missing at 22:00. Over the following weeks, particularly after misinterpreting a British DNA analysis, the Portuguese police came to believe that Madeleine had died in an accident in the apartment and that her parents had covered it up. The McCanns were given arguido (suspect) status in September 2007, which was lifted when Portugal's attorney general archived the case in July 2008 for lack of evidence.[8][9]

The parents continued the investigation using private detectives until Scotland Yard opened its own inquiry, Operation Grange, in 2011. The senior investigating officer announced that he was treating the disappearance as "a criminal act by a stranger", most likely a planned abduction or burglary gone wrong.[10] In 2013, Scotland Yard released e-fit images of men they wanted to trace, including one of a man seen carrying a child toward the beach that night.[11] Shortly after this, the Portuguese police reopened their inquiry.[12] Operation Grange was scaled back in 2015, but the remaining detectives continue to pursue a small number of inquiries described in April 2017 as significant.[13][14] In June 2020, the police in the German city Braunschweig stated there was a new suspect in McCann's disappearance.[15][6]

The disappearance attracted sustained international interest and saturation coverage in the UK reminiscent of the Death of Diana, Princess of Wales, in 1997.[16] The McCanns were subjected to intense scrutiny and baseless allegations of involvement in their daughter's death,[a] particularly in the tabloid press and on Twitter.[20][21] In 2008 they and their travelling companions received damages and apologies from Express Newspapers,[22] and in 2011 the McCanns testified before the Leveson Inquiry into British press misconduct, lending support to those arguing for tighter press regulation.[23][24]


Madeleine McCann

Portugal in red, Spain to the east and north, Morocco to the south
Central and southern Portugal, showing Praia da Luz and Portimão, regional headquarters of the PJ

Madeleine was born in Leicester and lived with her family in Rothley, also in Leicestershire. At her parents' request, she was made a ward of court in England shortly after the disappearance, which gave the court statutory powers to act on her behalf.[25] Police described Madeleine as blonde-haired, with blue-green eyes, a small brown spot on her left calf, and a distinctive dark strip on the iris of her right eye.[3][b] In 2009 the McCanns released age-progressed images of how she may have looked at age six, and in 2012 Scotland Yard commissioned one of her at age nine.[28][29]

Kate and Gerry McCann

Madeleine's parents are both physicians and practising Roman Catholics. Kate Marie McCann, née Healy (born 1968, Huyton, near Liverpool) attended All Saints School in Anfield, then Notre Dame High School in Everton Valley, graduating in 1992 with a degree in medicine from the University of Dundee. She moved briefly into obstetrics and gynaecology, then anaesthetics, and finally general practice.[30]

Gerald Patrick McCann (born 1968 in Glasgow) attended Holyrood R.C. Secondary School before graduating from the University of Glasgow with a BSc in physiology/sports science in 1989. In 1992, he qualified in medicine and in 2002 obtained his MD, also from Glasgow. Since 2005, he has been a consultant cardiologist at Glenfield Hospital, Leicester.[31] The McCanns met in 1993 in Glasgow and were married in 1998. Madeleine was born in 2003 and the twins, a boy and girl, in 2005.[32]

Tapas Seven

The McCanns were on holiday with seven friends and eight children in all, including the McCanns' three.[33] The nine adults dined together most evenings at 20:30 in the resort's tapas restaurant, as a result of which the media dubbed the friends the "Tapas Seven".[34] The Tapas Seven included Fiona and David Payne, both physicians, their two children, and Fiona's mother, Dianne Webster. The McCanns had known the Paynes for years; Kate had met Fiona in 2000 when they both worked in Leicester General Hospital's intensive care unit.[35] Accompanying them were two couples the Paynes had originally introduced to the McCanns: Jane Tanner, a marketing manager, and her partner, Russell O'Brien, a physician, who were on holiday with their two children, and Matthew Oldfield, another physician, who was with his wife, Rachael Oldfield, a lawyer, and their daughter. Gerry, Russell and Matthew had worked together over the years.[36][34] The "Tanner sighting"—Jane Tanner's report that she saw a man carry a child away from the resort 45 minutes before Madeleine was reported missing—became one of the most-discussed aspects of the case.[37]

5A Rua Dr Agostinho da Silva, Praia da Luz

The McCanns arrived on 28 April 2007, for their seven-night spring break in Praia da Luz, a village with a population of 1,000, known as "little Britain" because of the concentration of British homeowners and holidaymakers.[38] They had booked through the British holiday company Mark Warner Ltd, and were placed in 5A Rua Dr Agostinho da Silva, an apartment owned by a retired teacher from Liverpool, one of several privately owned properties rented by the company.[39]

5A was a two-bedroom, ground-floor apartment in the fifth block of a group of apartments known as Waterside Village, which lay on the perimeter of part of Mark Warner's Ocean Club resort.[40] Matthew and Rachel Oldfield were next door in 5B, Jane Tanner and Russell O'Brien in 5D, and the Paynes and Dianne Webster on the first floor.[41] Located on the corner of Rua Dr Agostinho da Silva and Rua Dr Francisco Gentil Martins, 5A was accessible to the public from two sides.[42] Sliding glass patio doors in the living room at the back overlooked the Ocean Club's pool, tennis courts, tapas restaurant and bar. The patio doors could be accessed via a public street, Rua Dr Francisco Gentil Martins, where a small gate and set of steps led to 5A's balcony and living room. 5A's front door was on the opposite side of the block from the Ocean Club, on Rua Dr Agostinho da Silva.[43][44]

The McCanns' children slept in a bedroom next to the front door, which the McCanns kept locked. The bedroom had one, waist-high window with curtains and a metal exterior shutter, the latter controlled by a cord inside the window; the McCanns kept the curtains and shutter closed throughout the holiday. The window overlooked a narrow walkway and residents' car park, which was separated from the street by a low wall.[45] Madeleine slept in a single bed next to the bedroom door, on the opposite side of the room from the window, while the twins were in travel cots in the middle of the room. There was another single bed underneath the window.[43]

Thursday, 3 May 2007

20:30: Tapas restaurant

Thursday, 3 May, was the penultimate day of the family's holiday. Over breakfast Madeleine asked: "Why didn't you come when [her brother] and I cried last night?" After the disappearance, her parents wondered whether this meant someone had entered the children's bedroom. Her mother also noticed a large brown stain on Madeleine's pyjama top.[46]

The children spent the morning in the resort's Kids' Club, then the family lunched at their apartment before heading to the pool.[43] Kate took the last known photograph of Madeleine at 2:29 that afternoon, sitting by the pool next to her father and two-year-old sister.[47] The children returned to Kids' Club, then at 18:00 their mother took them back to 5A, while their father went for a tennis lesson.[43] The McCanns put the children to bed at around 19:00. Madeleine was left asleep in short-sleeved, pink-and-white Marks and Spencer's Eeyore pyjamas, next to her comfort blanket and a soft toy, Cuddle Cat.[48]

At 20:30 the parents left 5A to dine with their friends in the Ocean Club's open-air tapas restaurant, located on the other side of the pool.[49] 5A lay about 55 metres (160 ft) from the restaurant as the crow flies, but getting to the restaurant involved walking along a public street to reach the doors of the Ocean Club resort, then walking through the resort to the other side of the pool, a distance of about 82 metres (295 ft).[7] The top of the apartment was visible from the tapas restaurant, but not the doors. The patio doors could be locked only from the inside, so the McCanns left them closed but unlocked, with the curtains drawn, so they could let themselves in that way when checking on the children. There was a child-safety gate at the top of the steps from the patio and a low gate at the bottom, which led to the street.[49]

The resort's staff had left a note in a message book at the swimming-pool reception area, asking that the same table, which overlooked the apartments, be block-booked for 20:30 for the McCanns and friends every evening for the last four evenings of the holiday. The message said the group's children were asleep in the apartments. Madeleine's mother believes the abductor may have seen the note.[50] The McCanns and their friends left the restaurant roughly every half-hour to check on their children. Madeleine's father carried out the first check on 5A at around 21:05. The children were asleep and all was well, except that he recalled having left the children's bedroom door slightly ajar, and now it stood almost wide open. He pulled it nearly closed again before returning to the restaurant.[49]

21:15: Tanner sighting

Artist's impression of the man Jane Tanner saw, released October 2007; Scotland Yard believe it was an uninvolved British tourist carrying his daughter.[51][52]

The sighting by Jane Tanner, one of the Tapas Seven, of a man carrying a child that night became an important part of the early investigation. She had left the restaurant just after 21:00 to check on her own daughter, passing Madeleine's father on Rua Dr Francisco Gentil Martins on his way back to the restaurant from his 21:05 check. He had stopped to chat to a British holidaymaker,[53] but neither man recalled having seen Tanner. This puzzled the Portuguese police, given how narrow the street was, and led them to accuse Tanner of having invented the sighting.[54]

Tanner told the police that at around 21:15 she had noticed a man carrying a young child walk across the junction of Rua Dr Francisco Gentil Martins and Rua Dr Agostinho da Silva just ahead of her. He was not far from Madeleine's bedroom, heading east, away from the front of apartment 5A.[55] In the early days of the investigation, the direction in which he was walking was thought to be important, because he was moving toward the home of Robert Murat, the 33-year-old British-Portuguese man who lived near apartment 5A, and who became the case's first suspect.[56][57][58]

The child in the man's arms was wearing light-coloured pink pyjamas with a floral pattern and cuffs on the legs, similar to Madeleine's. Tanner described the man as white, dark-haired, 5 ft 7 in (1.70 m) tall, of southern European or Mediterranean appearance, 35–40 years old, wearing gold or beige trousers and a dark jacket, and said he did not look like a tourist. According to Kate, Tanner passed the information to the Portuguese police as soon as Madeleine was reported missing, but they did not pass the description to the media until 25 May.[59] Madeleine's Fund hired a forensic artist to create an image of the man, which was released in October 2007.[60][61]

The sighting became important because it offered investigators a time frame for the abduction, but Scotland Yard came to view it as a red herring.[51] In October 2013, they said that a British holidaymaker had been identified as the man Tanner had seen; he had been returning to his apartment after collecting his daughter from the Ocean Club night creche.[62] Scotland Yard took photographs of the man wearing the same or similar clothes to the ones he was wearing on the night, and standing in a pose similar to the one Tanner reported. The pyjamas his daughter had been wearing also matched Tanner's report. Operation Grange's lead detective, DCI Andy Redwood, said they were "almost certain" the Tanner sighting was not related to the abduction.[51][63]

22:00: Smith sighting

E-fit images of the Smith sighting, released by Scotland Yard in 2013[11]

The rejection of the Tanner sighting as crucial to the timeline allowed investigators to focus on another sighting of a man carrying a child that night, this one reported to the Portuguese police on 26 May 2007 by Martin and Mary Smith, who had been in Praia da Luz on holiday from Ireland.[64] Scotland Yard concluded in 2013 that the Smith sighting offered the approximate time of Madeleine's kidnap.[11][65]

The Smiths saw the man at around 22:00 on Rua da Escola Primária, 500 yards (460 m) from the McCanns' apartment, walking away from the Ocean Club and toward Rua 25 de Abril and the beach. He was carrying a girl aged 3–4 years. She had blonde hair and pale skin, was wearing light-coloured pyjamas, and had bare feet. The man was mid-30s, 5 ft 7 in–5 ft 9 in (1.75–1.80 m), slim-to-normal build, with short brown hair, wearing cream or beige trousers. He did not look like a tourist, according to the Smiths, and had seemed uncomfortable carrying the child.[66][67] E-fits based on the Smiths testimony were first created in 2008 by Oakley International, private investigators hired by the McCanns, and were publicized in 2013 by Scotland Yard on Crimewatch.[68]

22:00: Reported missing

Madeleine's mother had intended to check on the children at 21:30, but Matthew Oldfield, one of the Tapas Seven, offered to do it when he checked on his own children in the apartment next door to 5A. He noticed that the McCanns' children's bedroom door was wide open, but after hearing no noise, he left 5A without looking far enough into the bedroom to see whether Madeleine was there. He could not recall whether the bedroom window and its exterior shutter were open at this point. Early on in the investigation, the Portuguese police accused Oldfield of involvement because he had volunteered to do the check, suggesting to him that he had handed Madeleine to someone through the bedroom window.[43][69]

Kate made her own check of 5A at around 22:00. Scotland Yard said in 2013 that Madeleine was probably taken moments before this.[70] Kate recalled entering the apartment through the unlocked patio doors at the back, and noticing that the children's bedroom door was wide open. When she tried to close the door, it slammed shut as though there was a draught, which is when she saw that the bedroom window and its shutter were open. Madeleine's Cuddle Cat and pink blanket were still on the bed, but Madeleine was gone. After briefly searching the apartment, Kate ran back towards the restaurant, screaming "Madeleine's gone! Someone's taken her!"[71]

At around 22:10 Madeleine's father sent Matthew Oldfield to ask the resort's reception desk to call the police, and at 22:30 the resort activated its missing-child search protocol.[72] Sixty staff and guests searched until 04:30, at first assuming that Madeleine had wandered off. One of them told Channel 4's Dispatches that, from one end of Luz to the other, you could hear people calling her name.[73]

Early response

Portuguese police

Two officers from the gendarmerie, the Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR), arrived at the resort at 23:10 from Lagos, five miles (8 km) away.[74] At midnight, after briefly searching, they alerted the criminal police, the Polícia Judiciária (PJ), in nearby Portimão. Kate McCann said the PJ arrived just after 01:00.[75] According to the PJ, they arrived within 10 minutes of being alerted.[76] At 02:00 two patrol dogs were brought to the resort and at 08:00 four search-and-rescue dogs.[77] Police officers had their leave cancelled and started searching waterways, wells, caves, sewers and ruins.[38][78] Inspector Gonçalo Amaral, head of the PJ in Portimão, became the inquiry's coordinator.[79]

It was widely acknowledged that mistakes were made during the so-called "golden hours" soon after the disappearance. Neither border nor marine police were given descriptions of Madeleine for many hours, and officers did not make house-to-house searches.[80][81] According to Kate, roadblocks were first put in place at 10:00 the next morning.[66] Police did not request motorway surveillance pictures of vehicles leaving Praia da Luz the night of the disappearance, or of the road between Lagos and Vila Real de Santo António on the Spanish border. Euroscut, the company that monitors the road, said they were not approached for information.[82] It took Interpol five days to issue a global missing-person alert.[66]

Not everyone in the resort at the time was interviewed; holidaymakers later contacted the British police to say no one had spoken to them.[81] The crime scene was not secured. Police took samples from Madeleine's bedroom, which were sent to three forensic labs in Portugal. It was reported on 1 June 2007 that DNA from one "stranger" had been found, but around 20 people had entered apartment 5A before it was closed off, according to Chief Inspector Olegário de Sousa of the PJ.[83][54] According to Madeleine's mother, an officer placed tape across the doorway of the children's bedroom, but left at 03:00 without securing the apartment.[75] The PJ case file, released in 2008, showed that 5A lay empty for a month after the disappearance, then was let out to tourists before being sealed off in August 2007 for more forensic tests.[39][84] A similar situation arose outside the apartment. A crowd gathered by the front door of 5A, including next to the children's bedroom window—through which an abductor may have entered or left—trampling on evidence.[85] An officer dusted the bedroom window's exterior shutter for fingerprints without wearing gloves or other protective clothing.[54]

Panoramic view of Praia da Luz, February 2015

British police

In the UK it was agreed that Madeleine's home force, Leicestershire police—led by Chief Constable Matt Baggott—would coordinate the British response, although it remained a Portuguese inquiry.[86] A strategic coordinating group, or "gold" group, was put together, representing Leicestershire police, the Serious Organised Crime Agency (SOCA), the Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre (CEOP), and the National Police Improvement Agency. The PJ gave a team from the UK a room in which to work, but apparently resented their presence. The British police were used to feeding their data into HOLMES 2 (the Home Office Large Major Enquiry System). In Portugal, the information was collected in boxes. In addition the PJ had less autonomy than police in the UK, often having to wait for magistrates' decisions, which slowed things down. In an interview for Anthony Summers' and Robbyn Swan's book Looking for Madeleine (2014), Jim Gamble, head of CEOP at the time, said the Portuguese police felt they were being condescended to, and that the British were acting as a "colonial power".[87]

Media and PR

Tribute in Rothley, the McCanns' home town, on 17 May 2007

A PJ officer acknowledged in 2010 that the Portuguese police had been suspicious of the McCanns from the start, because of the "media circus".[88] Gerry McCann told Vanity Fair in 2008 that he had decided to "market" Madeleine to keep her in the public eye. To that end, a string of public-relations people arrived in Praia da Luz, deeply resented by the local police, who saw the media attention as counterproductive.[38] Alex Woolfall of the British PR firm Bell Pottinger, representing Mark Warner Ltd, dealt with the media for the first ten days, then the British government sent in press officers. This was apparently unprecedented.[89]

The first government press officer was Sheree Dodd, a former Daily Mirror journalist, who was followed by Clarence Mitchell, director of media monitoring for the Central Office of Information.[90] When the government withdrew Mitchell, the McCanns hired Justine McGuinness, who was reportedly headhunted for the job. When she left, Hanover Communications took over briefly, headed by Charles Lewington, formerly John Major's private secretary.[91][90] In September 2007 Brian Kennedy of Everest Windows stepped forward as a benefactor and offered to cover Clarence Mitchell's salary so that he could return. Mitchell resigned from his government position and started working for the McCanns full-time; he was later paid by Madeleine's Fund.[4][92]

The McCanns set up Madeleine's Fund: Leaving No Stone Unturned Ltd on 15 May 2007 to raise money and awareness; its website attracted 58 million hits in the first two days.[93] Throughout May and June the couple's PR team arranged events to give reporters a news peg. There was a visit to the Portuguese city of Fátima, where three children had reported a Marian apparition in 1917,[38] as well as trips to Holland, Germany, Spain,[94] and Morocco.[95] On 30 May 2007, accompanied by reporters, the couple flew to Rome—in Sir Philip Green's Learjet—to meet Pope Benedict XVI,[38] a visit arranged by Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O'Connor, the Archbishop of Westminster.[94] The following month balloons were let off in 300 cities around the world.[96] By early June journalists were voicing concerns; the "sheer professionalism of it ... troubled journalists", according to Matthew Parris.[97] Placing Madeleine on the front page of a British newspaper would sell up to 30,000 extra copies.[38] She appeared on the cover of People magazine on 28 May 2007,[98] on the front page of several British tabloids every day for almost six months, and as one of Sky News's menu options: "UK News", "Madeleine", "World News".[38][99] Between May 2007 and July 2008, the Portuguese tabloid Correio da Manhã published 384 articles about her.[100] By June 2008 a search for her name on YouTube returned over 3,680 videos and seven million posts.[101]

First Portuguese inquiry (2007–2008)

First arguido

Twelve days after the disappearance, Robert Murat, a 34-year-old British-Portuguese property consultant, became the first arguido.[102][103] Born in Hammersmith, west London, Murat lived in his mother's house, Casa Liliana, 150 yards (137 m) from apartment 5A in the direction in which the man in the Tanner sighting had walked.[102] He was made an arguido after a Sunday Mirror journalist told police he had been asking about the case. The PJ had briefly signed him up as an official interpreter; he said he had wanted to help because he had a daughter in England around Madeleine's age.[104][105]

Three members of the Tapas Seven—Fiona Payne, Russell O'Brien and Rachael Oldfield—said they had seen Murat outside apartment 5A shortly after the disappearance, as did an Ocean Club nanny and two British holidaymakers. This would not have been surprising considering how close Murat lived to 5A, but he and his mother said he had been at home all evening.[106][107] The McCann circle was clearly suspicious of Murat: one of the McCanns' supporters offered Richard Bilton, a BBC reporter, "exclusive access to any new developments in the case" if Bilton would report back what the press pack was saying about Murat.[108] Beginning on 15 May 2007, Murat's home was searched, the pool drained, his cars, computers, phones and video tapes examined, his garden searched using ground radar and sniffer dogs, and two of his associates questioned.[102][109] In March 2008, one of those associates had his car set fire to, with the word fala ("speak") sprayed in red on the pavement.[110]

There was nothing to link Murat or his friends to the disappearance, and Murat's arguido status was lifted on 21 July 2008 when the case was archived.[8] In April 2008 he received £600,000 in out-of-court settlements for libel in what The Observer said was the largest number of separate libel actions brought in the UK by the same person in relation to one issue; his friends received £100,000 each.[111] In July 2014, during Operation Grange, one of those friends was questioned again as a witness, this time by the PJ on behalf of Scotland Yard.[112] In December that year Murat and his wife were questioned, also on behalf of Scotland Yard, along with eight others.[113] In 2017 Murat's mother, Jenny Murat, added her voice to those who had witnessed suspicious events around 5A that night: she told the BBC that she had driven past apartment 5A that night, and had seen a young woman in a plum-coloured top behaving suspiciously just outside it, information she said she passed to the police at the time. She also said she had seen a small brown rental car speeding toward the apartment, driving the wrong way down a one-way street.[114]

Witness statements

In statements to the PJ, witnesses described men behaving oddly near apartment 5A in the days before the disappearance and on the day itself. Scotland Yard came to believe that these men may have been engaged in reconnaissance for an abduction or burglary. There had been a fourfold increase in burglaries between January and May 2007, including two in the McCanns' block in the 17 days before the disappearance, during which burglars had entered through windows.[51][115] Several witnesses reported men collecting for charity. On 20 April, a bedraggled-looking man asked a tourist in her apartment near 5A for money for an orphanage in nearby Espiche; apparently there were no orphanages or similar in or near Espiche at the time. The witness described the man as pushy and intimidating.[116] On 25 or 26 April, the tourist who rented apartment 5A before the McCanns found a man on his balcony who had entered via the steps from the street.[117] Polite and clean-shaven, the visitor asked for money for an orphanage.[118] On the day of the disappearance, 3 May, there were four charity collections by two men in the streets around 5A.[117] At 4 pm two black-haired men approached a British homeowner looking for funds for a hostel or hospice in or near Espiche, and at 5 pm two men approached another British tourist with a similar story.[119]

An "ugly" blond-haired man was seen on 2 May across the road from 5A, apparently watching it; he had also been seen on 29 April near the Ocean Club. On 30 April the granddaughter of 5A's former owners saw a blond-haired man leaning against a wall behind the apartments, and saw him again on 2 May near the tapas restaurant, looking at 5A. She described him as Caucasian, mid-30s, short cropped hair, and "ugly" with spots.[120][121] On the day of the disappearance or the day before, a man was seen staring at the McCanns' block, where a white van was parked.[121] In the late afternoon of 3 May, a girl on the balcony of the apartment above 5A saw a man leave through the gate below, as though he had come out of a ground-floor apartment; what caught her attention was that he looked around before shutting the gate quietly, with both hands.[122] At 14:30 two blond-haired men were seen on the balcony of 5C, an empty apartment two doors from 5A. At 16:00–17:00 a blond-haired man was seen near 5A. At 18:00 the same or another blond-haired man was seen in the stairwell of the McCanns' block. At 23:00, after the disappearance, two blond-haired men were seen in a nearby street speaking in raised voices. When they realized they had been noticed, they reportedly lowered their voices and walked away.[123]

McCanns as arguidos

Early suspicion

The first indication that the media were turning against the McCanns was on 6 June 2007, when a German journalist asked them during a Berlin press conference whether they were involved in the disappearance.[124][125] On 30 June a 3,000-word article entitled "The Madeleine Case: A Pact of Silence" appeared in Sol, a Portuguese weekly, stating that the McCanns were suspects, highlighting alleged inconsistencies between their statements, and implying that the Tanner sighting had been invented.[126] The reporters had obtained the Tapas Sevens' mobile numbers and that of another witness, so it was apparent that the inquiry had a leak.[53][125][127]

This and later articles in the Portuguese press, invariably followed up in the UK, made several allegations, based on no evidence, which would engulf the McCanns for years on social media. They included that the McCanns and Tapas Seven were "swingers", that the McCanns had been sedating their children, and that the group had formed a "pact of silence" regarding what had happened on the night of the disappearance.[104] Much was made of apparent inconsistencies within and between the McCanns' and Tapas Seven's statements. The police had asked the group questions in Portuguese, and an interpreter had translated the replies. According to Kate McCann, the statements were then typed up in Portuguese, and verbally translated back into English for the interviewees to sign.[69][104]

Among the inconsistencies was whether the McCanns had entered the apartment by the front or back door when checking on the children. According to the PJ case file, Gerry stated during his first interview, on 4 May 2007, that the couple had entered 5A through the locked front door for his 21:05 and her 22:00 checks, and in a second interview, on 10 May, that he had entered through the unlocked patio doors at the back.[128] (The patio doors could be unlocked only from inside, so the parents had left them unlocked to let themselves in.)[49] There was also an inconsistency about whether the front door had been locked.[128] Gerry told the Sunday Times in December 2007 that they had used the front door earlier in the week, but it was next to the children's bedroom, so they had started using the patio doors instead.[54] The PJ also questioned why, when Kate discovered Madeleine was missing, she had run to the tapas restaurant leaving the twins alone in 5A, when she could have used her mobile phone or shouted to the group from 5A's rear balcony.[129]

Another issue was whether the exterior shutter over Madeleine's bedroom window could be opened from outside. According to journalist Danny Collins, the shutter was made of non-ferrous metal slats on a roller blind that was housed in a box at the top of the inside window, controlled by pulling on a strap. Once rolled down, the slats locked in place outside the window and could be raised only by using the strap on the inside.[130] Kate said the shutter and window were closed when Madeleine was put to bed, but open when she discovered Madeleine was missing. Gerry told the PJ that, when he was first alerted to the disappearance, he had lowered the shutter, then had gone outside and discovered that it could be raised only from the outside.[131] Against this, the police said the shutter could not be raised from the outside without being forced, but there was no sign of forced entry; they also said forcing the shutter open would have caused a lot of noise.[130]

The apparent discrepancies contributed to the view of the PJ that there had been no abduction.[132][133] Kate's shout of "they've taken her" was viewed with suspicion, as though she had been paving the way for an abduction story.[54] Particularly from August onwards, these suspicions developed into the theory that Madeleine had died in apartment 5A as a result of an accident—perhaps after being sedated to help her stay asleep—and that her parents had hidden her body for a month, before retrieving her and driving her to an unknown place in a car they had hired over three weeks after the disappearance.[5][134] In 2010 Carlos Anjos, former head of the Police Detectives Union in Portugal, told BBC Panorama that most Portuguese investigators still believed Madeleine had died as a result of an accident in the apartment.[135]

Portugal sends a letter rogatory

On 28 June 2007, the McCanns suggested to the PJ that the police request help from Danie Krugel, a South African former police officer who had developed a "matter orientation system", a handheld device that he claimed could locate missing people using DNA and satellites.[54] On hearing about this years later, one scientist said it had caused his "BS detector to go off the scale".[136] Kate McCann wrote in 2011 that Krugel's claims made no sense, but the couple were desperate. In the second week of June they sent him hair and eyelashes from Madeleine collected from the family home by relatives in the UK. Krugel arrived in Praia da Luz on 15 July, and told the McCanns his equipment had picked up a "static signal" in an area of the beach near the Rocha Negra cliff.[137][54][138]

The officer in charge of the PJ inquiry, Inspector Gonçalo Amaral, interpreted Kate's support of Krugel as a ploy. By this point he believed the McCanns were involved in the disappearance, and that Kate was using Krugel—she had also considered using psychics—to "disclose the location of her daughter's body" without compromising herself.[139] With this in mind, the PJ sent a letter rogatory to the British police to ask for assistance in their search for Madeleine's body.[54][138]

In response, Mark Harrison, the national search adviser for the British National Policing Improvement Agency, arrived in Praia da Luz, walked around the search areas, and flew over them by helicopter.[140] Describing Krugel's ideas as "highly unlikely", Harrison's report, dated 23 July 2007, said that 100 officers had searched up to 9.3 miles (15 km) around Praia da Luz, but that the officer in charge and most of the team had no training in search procedures, with the exception of a search-and-rescue team from Lisbon. Search dogs had been used, but after five days instead of within two days as the handlers recommend. Harrison suggested searching the beach and shoreline, an open area near the village, Robert Murat's property, apartment 5A, the Tapas Seven's apartments, and any hired vehicles. He recommended using ground-penetrating radar and bringing in Keela and Eddie, two Springer spaniel sniffer dogs from South Yorkshire.[141][140]

British sniffer dogs arrive

Keela was a crime-scene-investigation (CSI) dog trained to give her handler, Martin Grime, a "passive alert" to the scent of human blood by placing her nose close to the spot, then freezing in that position. Eddie was an enhanced-victim-recovery dog (EVRD, or cadaver dog) who gave a "bark alert" to the scent of human cadavers, including shortly after the death of the subject, even if the remains were buried, incinerated, or in water. He was trained to bark only in response to that scent and not for any other reason.[142]

The dogs arrived in Praia da Luz on 31 July 2007, and were taken to apartment 5A, nearby wasteland, and the beach. Both dogs alerted behind the sofa in the living room of 5A, and Eddie gave an alert near the wardrobe in the main bedroom.[143][144] There were no alerts on the beach or wasteland.[145] The PJ obtained warrants to search the house the McCanns had rented on Rua das Flores, and the silver Renault Scénic the couple had hired 24 days after Madeleine went missing. The house and grounds were searched on 2 August. The only alert was from Eddie when he encountered Cuddle Cat, which was lying in the living room; Keela did not give an alert.[146] The police left with boxes of the McCanns' clothes, Cuddle Cat, a pair of latex gloves, suitcases, a notepad, two diaries, including one that Kate had started after the disappearance, and a friend's Bible she had borrowed. A passage the Bible's owner had marked from 2 Samuel, about the death of a child, was copied into the police case file along with a Portuguese translation.[147] The items were taken to another location, where Eddie alerted his handler to one of the boxes of clothes.[148] A source close to the McCanns' lawyers told reporters that, if there was indeed a smell of corpses on Kate's clothes, it could have been caused by her contact with corpses as a family doctor.[149]

The police removed the silver Renault Scenic the McCanns had hired three weeks after the disappearance,[150] and on 6 August Keela and Eddie were taken to an underground car park opposite the PJ headquarters in Portimão, where 10 cars were parked, 20–30 feet apart, including the McCanns' and Robert Murat's.[151] Eddie, the cadaver dog, gave an alert outside the McCanns' car by the driver's door.[152][144] The next morning Keela alerted to the rear driver's side inside the boot (trunk) and the map compartment in the driver's door, which contained the ignition key and key ring. When the key ring was hidden underneath sand in a fire bucket, she alerted again, as she did when the bucket was moved to a different floor of the car park.[153] Almost immediately the Portuguese press began running stories that Madeleine had died inside apartment 5A.[154]

British DNA analysis

Hair and other fibres were collected from areas in the car and apartment 5A where Keela and Eddie had given alerts, and were sent to the Forensic Science Service (FSS) in Birmingham for DNA profiling, arriving around 8 August 2007.[155] At this point, according to the Sunday Times, the PJ "abandoned the abduction theory".[54] On 8 August, without waiting for the results from Birmingham, the Portuguese police called the McCanns to a meeting in Portimão, where Guilhermino Encarnação, PJ regional director, and Luis Neves, coordinator of the Direcção Central de Combate ao Banditismo in Lisbon, told them the case was now a murder inquiry.[156] When Encarnação died of stomach cancer in 2010, The Daily Telegraph identified him as a major source of the leaks against the McCanns.[157] Both the McCanns were interrogated that day; the officers suggested that Kate's memory was faulty.[156]

The FSS used a technique known as low copy number (LCN) testing. Used when only a few cells are available, the test is controversial because it is vulnerable to contamination and misinterpretation.[158] On 3 September John Lowe of the FSS emailed Detective Superintendent Stuart Prior of the Leicestershire police, the liaison officer between the British and Portuguese police. Lowe told Prior that a sample from the car boot contained 15 out of 19 of Madeleine's DNA components, and that the result was "too complex for meaningful interpretation":

A complex LCN [low copy number] DNA result which appeared to have originated from at least three people was obtained from cellular material recovered from the luggage compartment section ... Within the DNA profile of Madeleine McCann there are 20 DNA components represented by 19 peaks on a chart. ... Of these 19 components 15 are present within the result from this item; there are 37 components in total. There are 37 components because there are at least 3 contributors; but there could be up to five contributors. In my opinion therefore this result is too complex for meaningful interpretation/inclusion. ... [W]e cannot answer the question: Is the match genuine, or is it a chance match.[c]

McCanns made arguidos

John Lowe's email was translated into Portuguese on 4 September 2007. The next day, according to Kate, the PJ proposed that, if she were to admit that Madeleine had died in an accident in the apartment, and that she had hidden the body, she might only serve a two-year sentence. Her husband would not be charged and would be free to leave.[161] Both parents were given arguido status on 7 September,[162] and were advised by their lawyer not to answer questions. The PJ told Gerry that Madeleine's DNA had been found in the car boot and behind the sofa in 5A.[163] Gerry did respond to questions, but Kate declined to reply to 48 questions she was asked during an 11-hour interview.[164]

The DNA evidence was a "100 percent match", journalists in Portugal were told.[165] British tabloid headlines included "Brit Lab Bombshell: Car DNA is 100% Maddie's" (The Sun, 11 September 2007) and "Corpse in McCann Car" (London Evening Standard, 16 October 2007), while the Daily Star reported that a "clump of Maddie's hair" had been found in the car.[166] The leaks came directly from the Portuguese police, according to testimony in 2012 from Jerry Lawton, a Daily Star reporter, to the Leveson Inquiry.[d] Matt Baggott—who when Madeleine disappeared was chief constable of Leicestershire Police, the force that coordinated the British side of the case—told the inquiry that, because the Portuguese were in charge of the case, he had made a decision not to correct reporters. His force's priority, he said, was to maintain a good relationship with the PJ with a view to finding Madeleine.[168][e]

McCanns return to the UK, Almeida report

Despite their arguido status, the McCanns were allowed to leave Portugal, and on legal advice did so immediately, arriving back in England on 9 September 2007.[172] The following day Chief Inspector Tavares de Almeida of the PJ in Portimão signed a nine-page report concluding that Madeleine had died in apartment 5A as a result of an accident, that the restaurant meal and apparent regular checks on the McCann children had been part of the cover-up, that the Tapas Seven had helped to mislead the police, and that the McCanns had concealed the body then faked an abduction. An 11-page document from the Information Analysis Brigade in Lisbon analysed alleged discrepancies in the McCanns' statements.[173][88] On 11 September the public prosecutor, José Cunha de Magalhães e Meneses, handed the 10-volume case file to a judge, Pedro Miguel dos Anjos Frias.[174] Meneses applied for the seizure of Kate's diary and Gerry's laptop.[175] The police also wanted to trace telephone calls the McCanns and Tapas Seven had made, and there were details in the report about the number of suitcases the McCanns and their friends had taken back to England.[176]

On 28 September 2007, according to a diplomatic cable published by WikiLeaks in 2010, the American ambassador to Portugal, Al Hoffman, wrote about a meeting he had had with the British ambassador to Portugal, Alexander Ellis, on 21 September 2007. The cable said: "Without delving into the details of the case, Ellis admitted that the British police had developed the current evidence against the McCann parents, and he stressed that authorities from both countries were working co-operatively. He commented that the media frenzy was to be expected and was acceptable as long as government officials keep their comments behind closed doors."[177]

In the UK Control Risks, a British security company—paid by an anonymous donor to assist the McCanns since 7 May 2007[178]—took hair samples from the McCann twins on 24 September 2007, at their parents' request. The twins had slept through the commotion in apartment 5A after Madeleine was reported missing; Kate wrote that she was concerned the abductor might have given the children sedatives.[179] According to the PJ files, Kate had asked them to take samples, three months after the disappearance, but they had not done so.[180] Control Risks took a sample from Kate too, to rebut allegations that she was on medication. No trace of drugs was found.[181]

Gonçalo Amaral's removal, later developments

On 2 October 2007 Chief Inspector Gonçalo Amaral, the inquiry's coordinator, was removed from his post and transferred from Portimão to Faro after telling the newspaper Diário de Notícias that the British police had only pursued leads helpful to the McCanns. As an example, he criticized their decision to follow up an anonymous email to Prince Charles that claimed a former Ocean Club employee had taken Madeleine.[79][182]

Amaral was himself made an arguido one day after Madeleine's disappearance, in relation to his investigation of another case, the disappearance of Joana Cipriano. The following month he was charged with making a false statement, and four other officers were charged with assault. Eight-year-old Joana Cipriano had vanished in 2004 from Figueira, seven miles (11 km) from Praia da Luz. Her body was never found, and no murder weapon was identified. Her mother and the mother's brother were convicted of her murder after confessing, but the mother retracted her confession, saying she had been beaten by police. Amaral was not present when the beating is alleged to have taken place, but he was accused of having covered up for others. The other detectives were acquitted. Amaral was convicted of perjury in May 2009 and received an 18-month suspended sentence.[183]

The Madeleine inquiry was taken over by Paulo Rebelo, deputy national director of the PJ, which expanded its team of detectives and began a case review.[184] On 29 November 2007 four members of the Portuguese inquiry, including Francisco Corte-Real, vice-president of Portugal's forensic crime service, were briefed at Leicestershire police headquarters by the British Forensic Science Service.[185] In April 2008 the Tapas Seven were interviewed in England by Leicestershire police, with the PJ in attendance.[186] The PJ planned the following month to hold a reconstruction in Praia da Luz, using the McCanns and Tapas Seven rather than actors, but the Tapas Seven declined to participate.[187] The poor relationship between the McCanns and Portuguese police was evident again that month when, on the day the couple were at the European Parliament to promote a monitoring system for missing children, transcripts of their interviews with the PJ were leaked to Spanish television.[188] The national director of the PJ, Alípio Ribeiro, resigned not long after this, citing media pressure; he had publicly said the police had been hasty in naming the McCanns as suspects.[189] As of May 2008 Portuguese prosecutors were examining several charges against the McCanns, including child abandonment, abduction, homicide, and concealment of a corpse.[190]

Inquiry closed (21 July 2008)

On 21 July 2008 the Portuguese Attorney General, Fernando José Pinto Monteiro, announced that there was no evidence to link the McCanns or Robert Murat to the disappearance. Their arguido status was lifted and the case was closed.[8][9] On 4 August Portugal's Ministério Público released 17 case files containing 11,233 pages on CD-ROM to the media, including 2,550 pages of sightings.[191][f] The files included a 58-page prosecutors' report, which concluded: "No element of proof whatsoever was found which allows us to form any lucid, sensible, serious and honest conclusion about the circumstances."[193] In 2009 Portugal released a further 2,000 pages.[194] Days after the case closed, excerpts from Kate McCann's diary, which had been taken by the PJ in August 2007, were published in translation by a Portuguese tabloid, Correio da Manhã, despite a Portuguese judge's ruling in June 2008 that the seizure had been a privacy violation and that any copies must be destroyed.[195] On 14 September 2008, a News International tabloid, News of the World, published the extracts, again without permission and now translated poorly[weasel words] back into English.[196][197]

Amaral's book (24 July 2008)

The bad feeling between the McCanns and the PJ had reached such a height that Chief Inspector Gonçalo Amaral resigned in June 2008 to write a book alleging that Madeleine had died in an accident in the apartment and that, to cover it up, the McCanns had faked an abduction.[198][79] Three days after the case closed, his book, Maddie: A Verdade da Mentira ("Maddie: The Truth of the Lie"), was published in Portugal by Guerra & Paz.[199] By November 2008 it had sold 180,000 copies and by 2010 had been translated into six languages.[200][88] A documentary based on the book was broadcast on TVI in Portugal in April 2009, watched by 2.2 million.[201]

The McCanns began a libel action against Amaral and his publisher in 2009.[202] Madeleine's Fund covered the legal fees.[203][204] In 2015 they were awarded over 600,000 in libel damages; Amaral's appeal against that decision succeeded in 2016.[202] A judge had issued an injunction against further publication or sales of the book in 2009, but the Lisbon Court of Appeal overturned the ban in 2010, stating that it violated Amaral's freedom of expression.[205] The ban was reinstated in 2015 as part of the libel ruling, then lifted when Amaral's appeal succeeded in 2016.[206][202] The McCanns appealed the 2016 decision to Portugal's Supreme Court, but the court ruled against them in February 2017. In their 76-page ruling, the judges wrote that the McCanns had not, in fact, been cleared by the archiving of the criminal case in 2008.[9][207] In March 2017, the Supreme Court rejected the McCanns' final appeal.[203]

Madeleine's Fund inquiry (2007–2011)

Raising money

The McCanns set up Madeleine's Fund: Leaving No Stone Unturned Ltd on 15 May 2007, 12 days after the disappearance.[208][209] Over 80 million people visited the fund's website in the three months after the disappearance.[38] From September 2007, Brian Kennedy of Everest Windows supported the couple financially, and Kennedy's lawyer joined the fund's board of directors.[210][211][212] As of February 2017 it had seven directors, including the McCanns.[213]

Appeals by public figures were screened at football matches across Britain. Between May 2007 and March 2008, the fund received £1,846,178, including £1.4 million through the bank, £390,000 online, and £64,000 from merchandise.[214][215][g] Donations included £250,000 from the News of the World, £250,000 from Sir Philip Green, $50,000 from Simon Cowell, and $25,000 from Coleen Rooney.[216] J. K. Rowling and Richard Branson made large donations; Branson donated £100,000 to the McCanns' legal fund.[217] Madeleine's Fund did not cover the couple's legal costs arising from their status as arguidos,[218] but it was criticized in October 2007 for having made two of the McCanns' mortgage payments, before they were made arguidos.[219] A reward of £2.5 million was also offered, including from the News of the World, Rowling, Branson, Green, and a Scottish businessman, Stephen Winyard.[220] In March 2008 the Express Group paid the fund £550,000 and £375,000 in libel damages arising out of articles about the McCanns and Tapas Seven respectively.[221][222] In 2011, Kate McCann's book, Madeleine, was serialized by The Sun and The Sunday Times, both owned by News International, for a payment to the fund of £500,000 to £1 million.[223][224] In December 2015, the fund stood at around £750,000.[225]

Private investigators

Madeleine's Fund hired several firms of private investigators, causing friction with the Portuguese police. Shortly after the disappearance, an anonymous benefactor paid for the services of a British security company, Control Risks.[226] There had reportedly been four independent sightings from North Africa; Brian Kennedy went to Morocco himself in September 2007 to look into one.[227][228][211] A Norwegian woman had reported seeing a girl matching Madeleine's description in a petrol station near Marrakesh, Morocco, on 9 May 2007; the child had reportedly asked the man she was with, in English, "Can we see Mummy soon?" When the witness returned home to Spain, she learned about the disappearance and telephoned the Spanish police. A month later, according to Kate McCann, the police had still not formally interviewed the woman, which led the McCanns to fear that leads were not being pursued. The McCanns themselves travelled to Morocco on 10 June 2007 to raise awareness. They spent the night at the British ambassador's residence and were briefed by consular staff and a Metropolitan police attaché.[229]

Brian Kennedy hired a Spanish agency, Método 3, for six months at £50,000 a month, which put 35 investigators on the case in Europe and Morocco. It seems the relationship came to an end in part because the head of the agency made several public statements that concerned the McCanns, including to CBS that "We know the kidnapper. We know who he is and how he has done it."[230] Another private investigator was David Edgar, a retired detective inspector hired in 2009 on the recommendation of the head of Manchester's Serious Crime Squad.[231] Edgar released an e-fit in August that year of a woman said to have asked two British men in Barcelona, Spain, shortly after the disappearance, whether they were there to deliver her new daughter.[232] Other private initiatives included a Portuguese lawyer financing the search of a reservoir near Praia da Luz in February 2008,[233] and the use of ground radar by a South African property developer, Stephen Birch, who said in 2012 that scans showed there were bones beneath the driveway of a house in Praia da Luz.[234]

Oakley International

In 2008 Madeleine's Fund hired Oakley International, a Washington, D.C.-registered detective agency, for over £500,000 for six months.[228][235] (The company owner, Kevin Halligen, was arrested in 2009 in connection with an unrelated fraud allegation.[236] He died in 2018.)[237] Oakley sent a five-man team to Portugal. Led by Henri Exton, a former British police officer who had worked for MI5, the team engaged in undercover operations within the Ocean Club and among paedophile rings and the Roma community.[228]

Exton questioned the significance of the Tanner sighting of a man carrying a child at 21:15 near apartment 5A, and focused instead on the Smith sighting at 22:00—the sighting by Martin and Mary Smith of a man carrying a child toward the beach. The Oakley team produced e-fits based on the Smiths' description.[65] This was a sensitive issue, because on 9 September 2007 Martin Smith had watched BBC footage of the McCanns arrive in the UK from Portugal, at the height of public debate about their alleged involvement.[238] As Gerry McCann exited the aircraft with his son in his arms, Smith believed he recognized him as the man he had seen carrying the child in Praia da Luz. He reported his suspicion to Leicestershire police but later came to accept that he was mistaken: at 22:00 witnesses placed Gerry in the tapas restaurant. Nevertheless, publication of the Smith e-fits, which bore some resemblance to Gerry, would have fed the conspiracy theories about the McCanns.[65]

Exton submitted his report to Madeleine's Fund in November 2008, and suggested releasing the e-fits, but the fund told Exton that the report and its e-fits had to remain confidential. The relationship between the company and the fund had soured, in part because of a dispute over fees, and in part because the report was critical of the McCanns and their friends; it suggested that Madeleine may have died in an accident after leaving the apartment herself through its unlocked patio doors.[65] Madeleine's Fund passed the e-fits to the police—the PJ and Leicestershire police had them by October 2009, and Scotland Yard received them when they became involved in August 2011[239]—but did not otherwise release them. Kate McCann did not include them with the other images of suspects in her book, Madeleine (2011), although she suggested that both the Tanner and Smith sightings were crucial. Scotland Yard released the e-fits in October 2013 for a BBC Crimewatch reconstruction. After it had aired, The Sunday Times published that the McCanns had had the e-fits since 2008.[65] In response the couple complained that the Sunday Times story implied (wrongly) that the McCanns had not only failed to publish the e-fits but had withheld them from the police. The newspaper published an apology on an inside page in December 2013.[239] The McCanns subsequently sued and received £55,000 in damages,[240] which Gerry McCann said would be donated to charity.[241]

Further police inquiries (2011–present)

Gamble report

Alan Johnson, British Home Secretary (2009–2010)

The McCanns met the British Home Secretary Alan Johnson in 2009 to request a review of the case.[242] Johnson commissioned a scoping report from Jim Gamble, then head of the Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre (CEOP).[157][243] By March 2010 the Home Office had begun discussions with the Association of Chief Police Officers about setting up a British inquiry.[157][244]

Delivered in May 2010, the Gamble report examined how several British agencies had become involved in the search for Madeleine, including CEOP itself, Leicestershire police, the Metropolitan Police Service, the Serious Organised Crime Agency, the National Police Improvement Agency, Crimestoppers, the Home Office, Foreign Office, and 10 Downing Street. Gamble criticized the lack of coordination. Everyone had wanted to help, and some had wanted "to be seen to help", he wrote, which had "created a sense of chaos and a sense of competition", hampering the inquiry by causing resentment among the Portuguese police.[243] He recommended renewed cooperation between the British and Portuguese, that all relevant information be exchanged between the police forces, that police perform an analysis of telephone calls made on the night of the disappearance, and that all leads be pursued, including those developed by private detectives.[245]

Operation Grange

Theresa May (home secretary 2010–2016, prime minister 2016–2019) with David Cameron (prime minister 2010–2016), photographed in 2010

In May 2011, under Home Secretary Theresa May, Scotland Yard launched an investigative review, Operation Grange, with a team of 29 detectives and eight civilians.[246] The announcement of the review appeared to have been triggered by a News International campaign, by way of one of its British tabloids, The Sun.[223] On 11 May 2011, as it was serializing Kate McCann's book, Madeleine, The Sun's front page hosted an open letter from the McCanns in which they asked Prime Minister David Cameron to set up a new inquiry; 20,000 people signed the newspaper's petition that day.[247] On the same day, according to her testimony to the Leveson Inquiry, Theresa May spoke by telephone, at her instigation, to Rebekah Brooks, chief executive of News International, and Dominic Mohan, editor of The Sun.[244] The next day she wrote to the commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, Sir Paul Stephenson, to say that the Portuguese police had agreed to cooperate with a British inquiry.[248] Within 24 hours, Cameron made the announcement about Operation Grange, to be financed by a Home Office contingency fund.[249]

Operation Grange was led by Commander Simon Foy. Detective Chief Inspector (DCI) Andy Redwood of Scotland Yard's Homicide and Serious Crime Command was the first senior investigating officer, reporting to Detective Chief Superintendent Hamish Campbell.[246] The team consisted of three detective inspectors, five detective sergeants, 19 detective constables, and around six civilian staff.[250] When Redwood retired in 2014, he was replaced by DCI Nicola Wall.[251] By July 2013 the review had become an investigation.[252]

The team had tens of thousands of documents translated, released an age-progressed image,[253] and investigated over 8,000 potential sightings. By 2015 they had taken 1,338 statements, collected 1,027 exhibits, and investigated 650 sex offenders and 60 persons of interest. The inquiry was scaled back in October 2015 and the number of officers reduced to four.[254] The Home Secretary approved an additional £95,000 of funding in April 2016 for what the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe, said was one remaining line of inquiry.[255] Another £85,000 was approved to cover up to September 2017;[256] and £150,000 to cover until 31 March 2019, taking the cost of the inquiry to £11.75 million.[257] The Home Office said it would approve similar funding for 2019.[14]

Theories: Planned abduction, burglary, wandered off

DCI Redwood made clear that Operation Grange was looking at a "criminal act by a stranger", most likely a planned abduction or a burglary that Madeleine had disturbed.[10] There had been a fourfold increase in local burglaries between January and May 2007, including two in the McCanns' block in the 17 days before the disappearance, during which intruders had entered through windows.[115][51] In an interview in April 2017, just before the 10th anniversary of the disappearance, Scotland Yard's Assistant Commissioner, Mark Rowley, appeared to dismiss the "burglary gone wrong" hypothesis, while adding that it was "not entirely ruled out". Referring to the suspects who might have been involved in burglaries in the area, he said that police had "pretty much closed off that group of people". The remaining detectives were focusing on a small number of inquiries that they believed were significant.[13][258] Also that month there were claims that Scotland Yard was looking for a woman seen near 5A at the time of the disappearance.[259]

Redwood said in 2013 that, "on one reading of the evidence", the disappearance did look like a pre-planned abduction, which "undoubtedly would have involved reconnaissance".[115][51] Several witnesses described men hanging around near apartment 5A in the days before the disappearance and on the day itself.[115] In May 2013 Scotland Yard wanted to trace 12 manual workers who were at the Ocean Club when Madeleine disappeared, including six British cleaners in a white van who were offering their services to British expats.[260] In October 2013 Scotland Yard and the BBC's Crimewatch staged a reconstruction—broadcast in the UK, the Netherlands and Germany—during which they released e-fits of the men seen near 5A and of the Smith sighting.[261] Days after Crimewatch aired, Portugal's attorney general reopened the Portuguese inquiry, citing new evidence.[12]

Another theory is that Madeleine, nearly four at the time, left the apartment by herself, perhaps to look for her parents, and was abducted by a passer-by or fell into one of the open construction sites nearby.[262] This is widely regarded as unlikely. According to her mother, Madeleine would have had to open the unlocked patio doors, close the curtains behind her, close the door again, open and close the child gate at the top of the stairs, then open and close the gate leading to the street.[263]

Tracking mobile phone calls

Using mobile-phone tracking techniques, and with the cooperation of over 30 countries, police traced who had used cell phones near the scene of the disappearance within the important time frame.[264] The analysis turned up several calls and texts near the Ocean Club between a 30-year-old former Ocean Club bus driver, and his 24-year-old and 53-year-old associates. Detectives interviewed them in June 2014; they denied any connection to the disappearance.[113][265] Police also found that the cell phone of a former Ocean Club restaurant worker had been used near the resort that night. Originally from Cape Verde, West Africa, Euclides Monteiro died in 2009 in a tractor accident after being fired from the Ocean Club in 2006 for theft. The suspicion was that he had been breaking into apartments to finance a drug habit. His widow said he had been questioned previously about break-ins involving the sexual assault of children but had been cleared by DNA evidence.[266]

Holiday-home sexual assaults

Scotland Yard issued another appeal in March 2014 for information about a man who had entered holiday homes occupied by British families in four incidents in the western Algarve between 2004 and 2006, two of them in Praia da Luz. On those occasions he had sexually assaulted five white girls, aged 7–10, in their beds. The man spoke English with a foreign accent and his speech was slow and perhaps slurred. He had short, dark, unkempt hair, tanned skin, and in the view of three victims a distinctive smell; he may have worn a long-sleeved burgundy top, perhaps with a white circle on the back. These were among 12 incidents in the area between 2004 and 2010.[267] The PJ reportedly believed the intruder in the four incidents between 2004 and 2006 was Euclides Monteiro, the former Ocean Club employee from Cape Verde who died in 2009.[268]

Searches and interviews in Praia da Luz

In June 2014, officers from Scotland Yard and the PJ, accompanied by archaeologists and sniffer dogs, searched drains and dug in 60,000 square metres (15 acres) of wasteland in Praia da Luz. Nothing was found.[269] The following month, at Scotland Yard's request, the PJ in Faro interviewed four Portuguese citizens, with Scotland Yard in attendance. No evidence was found to implicate them.[258] One man, an associate of Robert Murat, was first questioned shortly after the disappearance.[112][270] Pedro do Carmo, deputy director of the PJ, told the BBC that the interviews had been conducted only because Scotland Yard had requested them.[271] Eleven people, including three Britons, were interviewed in December 2014. According to the Portuguese media, Scotland Yard compiled 253 questions for the interviewees, including "Did you kill Madeleine?" and "Where did you hide the body?"[272] Robert Murat, his wife, and her ex-husband were questioned, as were a 30-year-old former Ocean Club bus driver and his 24-year-old and 53-year-old associates. The bus driver and associates had telephoned or texted each other near the Ocean Club around the time of the disappearance.[265] They admitted to having broken into Ocean Club apartments but denied having taken Madeleine.[113][273]

German investigations in 2020

In June 2020, the public prosecutor of the German city of Braunschweig ordered an inquiry regarding a possible involvement of a 43-year-old man, believed to have been living in a borrowed VW camper van in the Algarve at the time of McCann's disappearance. The suspect's car, a Jaguar XJR6, was registered to a new owner the day after McCann disappeared.[6] The prosecutor's office started proceedings on suspicion of McCann's murder. Hans Christian Wolters, from the public prosecutor's office, stated that they are operating under the presumption that McCann is dead, due to the suspect's criminal record.[6] The suspect has been convicted of unrelated offences of sexual abuse of children and drug trafficking, and as of June 2020 is incarcerated in Germany.[274][15]

The suspect was listed as serving seven years in jail for the rape of a 72-year-old pensioner in the Algarve.[275] On 3 June, the Criminal Police Office made a public appeal for information relating to the case on Aktenzeichen XY … ungelöst, a crime programme broadcast by the public television station ZDF.[276] The police stated that they received useful information in 2013 after the case was first featured on Aktenzeichen XY, but that it took years to find substantial evidence for prosecution, and that they still need more information.[277] The prosecutors asked the public for information about the suspect's phone number and the number that dialed him on the day of McCann's disappearance, with which the suspect's number had a 30-minute connection.[6][278]

On 27 July German police began searching an allotment in Hanover in connection with the investigation.[279]

Other inquiries

In the early days of the inquiry, the Portuguese police searched through images seized from paedophile investigations, and Madeleine's parents were shown photographs of sex offenders in case they recognized them from Praia de Luz.[280] Several British paedophiles were of interest. In May 2009 investigators working for the McCanns tried to question one, Raymond Hewlett; he had allegedly told someone he knew what happened to Madeleine, but he retracted and died of cancer in Germany in December that year.[281] Scotland Yard made inquiries about two paedophiles who had been in jail in Scotland since 2010 for murder. The men were running a window-cleaning service in the Canary Islands when Madeleine went missing.[282]

A man from Northern Ireland who died in 2013 was discussed in the media in connection with the disappearance; after being released from prison for the sexual assault of his four daughters, he had moved to Carvoeiro, Portugal, approximately 40 kilometres (25 mi) from Praia da Luz; he was there when Madeleine went missing.[283] Another focus of Operation Grange was Urs Hans von Aesch, a deceased Swiss man implicated in the 2007 murder, in Switzerland, of five-year-old Ylenia Lenhard. Ylenia disappeared on 31 July 2007, nearly three months after Madeleine, and was found dead in September as a result of toluene poisoning. Von Aesch was living in Spain when Madeleine disappeared.[284] In June 2016 Operation Grange officers interviewed an alleged victim of the deceased broadcaster Clement Freud, who was accused that year of having a history of child sexual abuse.[285] Freud had had a home in Praia da Luz, and had befriended the McCanns in July 2007, weeks after the disappearance.[286] His family said he was in the UK when Madeleine went missing.[287]

Tabloids and social media

"Trial by media"

Eilis O'Hanlon wrote that the disappearance "could almost stand as a metaphor for the rise of social media as the predominant mode of public discourse".[20] Twitter, one year old when Madeleine went missing, became the source of much of the vitriol.[288] Ten years later, the "#McCann" hashtag was still producing over 100 tweets an hour, according to researchers at the University of Huddersfield.[289] Social media's attacks included a threat to kidnap one of the McCanns' twins,[201] and when Scotland Yard and Crimewatch staged their reconstruction in 2013, there was apparently talk of phoning in with false information to sabotage the appeal.[290] One man who ran an anti-McCann website received a three-month suspended sentence in 2013 after leafleting their village with his allegations.[291] The following year a Twitter user was found dead from a helium overdose after Sky News confronted her about her 400 anti-McCann tweets.[292]

Roy Greenslade called the Daily Express coverage a "sustained campaign of vitriol".[293]

The couple's status as photogenic, articulate, and professional was at first beneficial. Every institution in the UK wanted to help, from 10 Downing Street down.[294] The McCanns took full advantage of the interest by hiring public-relations consultants and offering regular events to give the media a daily news peg. But the frenzy turned against them, and there began what PR consultant Michael Cole called the "monstering of the McCanns".[295] They were harshly criticized for having left their children alone in an unlocked apartment, despite the availability of Ocean Club babysitters and a crèche. The argument ran that a working-class couple would have faced child-abandonment charges.[296] Seventeen thousand people signed an online petition in June 2007 asking Leicestershire Social Services to investigate how the children came to be left unattended.[297]

Kate McCann's appearance and demeanour were widely discussed, with much of the commentary coming from other women, including Booker Prize-winner Anne Enright in the London Review of Books.[298] Kate was deemed cold and controlled, too attractive, too thin, too well-dressed, too intense.[299] She had apparently been advised by abduction experts not to cry on camera because the kidnapper might enjoy her distress, and this led to more criticism: the Portuguese tabloid Correio da Manhã cited sources complaining that she had not "shed a single tear".[300] Journalism professor Nicola Goc argued that Kate had joined a long list of mothers deemed killers because of unacceptable maternal behaviour.[301] Commentators compared her experience to that of Lindy Chamberlain, convicted of murder after her baby was killed by a dingo. Like Kate, she was suspected, in part, because she had not wept in public.[302] There was even a similar (false) story about supposedly relevant Bible passages the women were said to have highlighted. Chamberlain asked: "How can you apologise to me and do this again to someone else?"[303]

In November 2011, the McCanns testified before the Leveson Inquiry into British press standards.[24] The inquiry heard that the editor of the Daily Express, in particular, had become "obsessed" with the couple.[304] Express headlines included that Madeleine had been "killed by sleeping pills", "Find body or McCanns will escape", and "'McCanns or a friend must be to blame'", the latter based on an interview with a waiter.[305] "Maddie 'Sold' By Hard-Up McCanns" ran a headline in the Daily Star, part of the Express group.[306] Lord Justice Leveson called the articles "complete piffle".[304] Roy Greenslade described them as "no journalistic accident, but a sustained campaign of vitriol against a grief-stricken family".[293]

Libel actions

In addition to the McCanns' legal efforts against Gonçalo Amaral and his publisher, the McCanns and Tapas Seven brought libel actions against several newspapers. The Daily Express, Daily Star and their sister Sunday papers, owned by Northern & Shell, published front-page apologies in 2008 and donated £550,000 to Madeleine's Fund.[22] The Tapas Seven were awarded £375,000 against the Express group, also donated to Madeleine's Fund, along with an apology in the Daily Express.[222] The McCanns received £55,000 from The Sunday Times in 2013 when the newspaper implied that they had withheld e-fits from the police.[240]

Robert Murat received £600,000 in out-of-court settlements for libel in relation to 100 articles published by 11 newspapers—The Sun and News of the World (News International), Daily Express, Sunday Express and Daily Star (Northern & Shell), Daily Mail, London Evening Standard and Metro (Associated Newspapers), Daily Mirror, Sunday Mirror and Daily Record (Mirror Group Newspapers).[307] According to The Observer, it was the largest number of separate libel actions brought in the UK by the same person in relation to one issue.[111] His two associates were each awarded $100,000, and all three received public apologies.[307] The British Sky Broadcasting Group, which owns Sky News, paid Murat undisclosed damages in 2008 and agreed that Sky News would host an apology on its website for 12 months.[308]

Netflix documentary (2019)

Netflix released an eight-part documentary series, The Disappearance of Madeleine McCann, on 15 March 2019. Interviewees included Jim Gamble, former head of the Child Exploitation and Online Protection Command; Alan Johnson, former British home secretary; Brian Kennedy, the British businessman who supported the McCanns financially; Justine McGuiness, the McCanns' former spokesperson; Gonçalo Amaral, former head of the PJ investigation; Robert Murat, the first arguido; Julian Peribañez, a former Método 3 private investigator; Sandra Felgueiras, a Portuguese journalist who covered the disappearance; and Anthony Summers and Robbyn Swan, authors of Looking for Madeleine (2014).[309][310]

See also


  1. ^ Simon Foy, former head of homicide, Scotland Yard (BBC Panorama, 3 May 2017): "Even on the first glance of what we looked at, and when we took the information back and ran it through our own understanding and, you know, verified sightings and accounts and statements, and all the rest of it, it was perfectly clear to us that the McCanns themselves had nothing at all to do with the actual disappearance."[17]
    Pedro do Carmo, deputy director of the PJ (BBC Panorama, 3 May 2017): "There is no fact at this point or evidence that suggests they [the parents] were involved in Madeleine McCann's disappearance."[17]
    Mark Rowley, Scotland Yard's assistant commissioner (The Daily Telegraph, April 2017), when asked about the McCanns' involvement: "[T]here's no reason whatsoever to reopen that or to start rumours that that's a line of investigation".[13]
    Esther Addley (The Guardian, 27 April 2012): "It was, the [Portuguese] attorney general found, largely due to a catastrophic misinterpretation of the evidence collected by these officers [Leicestershire police] that the Portuguese team came to suspect the McCanns in the disappearance. ... Last month, Matt Baggott, at the time chief constable of Leicestershire, admitted to the Leveson inquiry that he had known the Portuguese officers, then heavily briefing reporters that the McCanns were guilty, were wrong on crucial DNA evidence. He could have corrected reporters' errors, even behind the scenes, he admitted, but had judged it better not to."[18]

    Brian Cathcart (New Statesman, 22 October 2008): "[T]he McCann case was the greatest scandal in our news media in at least a decade ... Error on this scale, involving hundreds of 'completely untrue' news reports, published on front pages month after month in the teeth of desperate denials, can only be systemic. Judging by what appeared in print, it involved a reckless neglect of ethical standards, a persistent failure to apply even the most basic journalistic rigour, and plenty of plain cruelty."[19]

  2. ^ Gerry McCann (CNN, 11 May 2011): "[T]he technical term is coloboma, where there's a defect in the iris. I don't think it is actually. I think it's actually an additional bit of colour. She certainly had no visual problems."[26][27]
  3. ^ The email from John Lowe (Forensic Science Service, 3 September 2007) continued: "The individual components in Madeleine's profile are not unique to her; it is the specific combination of 19 components that makes her profile unique above all others. Elements of Madeleine's profile are also present within the profiles of many of the scientists here in Birmingham, myself included. It's important to stress that 50% of Madeleine's profile will be shared with each parent. It is not possible, in a mixture of more than two people, to determine or evaluate which specific DNA components pair with each other. ... Therefore, we cannot answer the question: Is the match genuine, or is it a chance match."[159][160]
  4. ^ Jerry Lawton, Daily Star (Leveson Inquiry, 19 March 2012): "Portuguese police leaked in briefings in Portugal to their journalists that the forensic test results positively showed that Madeleine had been in or linked her to the hire car that her parents didn't hire until three or four weeks after she'd disappeared, and that story became a—created a sea change, without overusing that word, in the way the story has been looked at.
    "Those forensic test results became a bone of contention between the UK and the Portuguese police. I was present when a Portuguese team of forensic experts and detectives arrived in Leicester to discuss these results. Of course, they'd already leaked a version of the results. Leicestershire police presumably knew—although it turns out obviously that those test results did not prove that and that the Portuguese police had somehow misinterpreted these results. I just felt that had this been—that Leicestershire police could have briefed, off the record, even unreportable, that the Portuguese police had misinterpreted those DNA results. ...
    "Every time you rang Leicestershire police on that inquiry—and it was a lot, from every media organisation—you were told: 'It's a Portuguese police inquiry. You'll have to contact the Portuguese police.' And of course, they were fully aware that the Portuguese police had judicial secrecy laws and they wouldn't talk about the case."[167]
  5. ^ Matt Baggott, former chief constable of Leicestershire Police (Leveson Inquiry, 28 March 2012): "[A]s a chief constable at the time, there were a number of I think very serious considerations. One for me, and the Gold Group who were running the investigation, which was a UK effort, was very much a respect for the primacy of the Portuguese investigation. We were not in the lead in relation to their investigative strategy. We were merely dealing with enquiries at the request of the Portuguese and managing the very real issues of the local dimension of media handling, so we were not in control of the detail or the facts or where that was going.
    "I think the second issue was there was an issue, if I recall, of Portuguese law. Their own judicial secrecy laws. I think it would have been utterly wrong to have somehow in an off the record way have breached what was a very clear legal requirement upon the Portuguese themselves....
    "There was also an issue for us of maintaining a very positive relationship with the Portuguese authorities themselves. I think this was an unprecedented inquiry in relation to Portugal. The media interest, their own reaction to that. And having a very positive relationship of confidence with the Portuguese authorities I think was a precursor to eventually and hopefully one day successfully resolving what happened to that poor child.
    "So the relationship of trust and confidence would have been undermined if we had gone off the record in some way or tried to put the record straight, contrary to the way in which the Portuguese law was configured and their own leadership of that."[169][170][171]
  6. ^ In July the McCanns went to the High Court in London to gain access to 81 pieces of information Leicestershire police held about the sightings, before Portugal released the case files.[192]
  7. ^ £815,000 was spent during this period, including £250,000 on private detectives, £123,573 on the campaign, and £111,522 on legal costs.[214]


  1. ^ "Madeleine McCann, aged progressed to age nine", Scotland Yard; Patrick Barkham, "The sad ageing of Madeleine McCann", The Guardian, 25 April 2012.
  2. ^ Height; URL accessed November 4, 2020.
  3. ^ a b "Missing child", PJ.
  4. ^ a b "Master of media circus for Madeleine McCann", The Daily Telegraph, 24 April 2008.
  5. ^ a b Gordon Rayner, "Madeleine McCann latest: are police any closer to knowing the truth?", The Daily Telegraph, 26 April 2016.
  6. ^ a b c d e "Madeleine McCann assumed dead - German prosecutors". 4 June 2020 – via www.bbc.co.uk.
  7. ^ a b For "50 metres (yards)", "Kidnapping concern for missing girl in Portugal", Reuters, 4 May 2007.

    For 60 yards as the crow flies, and a 90-yard walk, "less than a minute's walk away", Summers & Swan 2014, 12. Ninety yards would take a minute to walk at a speed of around three miles per hour.

  8. ^ a b c Fiona Govan, Nick Britten, "Madeleine McCann: Kate and Gerry cleared of 'arguido' status by Portuguese police", The Daily Telegraph, 21 July 2008.
  9. ^ a b c "Madeleine McCann’s parents have not been ruled innocent, judge says", The Daily Telegraph, 9 February 2017.
  10. ^ a b Sandra Laville, "Madeleine McCann case should be reopened, says Met", The Guardian, 25 April 2012.
  11. ^ a b c Sandra Laville, "British detectives release efits of Madeleine McCann suspect", The Guardian, 14 October 2013.
  12. ^ a b "Madeleine McCann case: Portuguese police reopen inquiry", BBC News, 24 October 2013.
  13. ^ a b c Martin Evans, "Madeleine McCann: Police pursuing 'critical' lead that 'may provide the answer'", The Daily Telegraph, 26 April 2017.
  14. ^ a b "Madeleine McCann: More funds pledged for police investigation". BBC News. 5 June 2019.
  15. ^ a b Quinn, Ben; Oltermann, Philip (3 June 2020). "Madeleine McCann: German paedophile identified as new prime suspect". The Guardian. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  16. ^ Rehling 2012, 152: "Within a few weeks, it was possible to talk about the 'Maddification' of Britain, akin to the 'Dianification' of Britain that followed the death of the equally photogenic, white, blonde Princess ten years earlier."
    Also see Rafael Epstein, "Britain gripped by kidnap case", AM, ABC Radio (Australia): "In Britain, the disappearance of four-year-old Madeleine McCann has gripped the nation, so much so that its effect is being compared to the death of Diana, Princess of Wales."

    John Ward Anderson, "The Campaign", The Washington Post, 12 August 2007. Allan Massie, "Weep not only for Madeleine", The Daily Telegraph, 4 June 2007.

  17. ^ a b Richard Bilton, "Madeleine McCann: 10 Years On", BBC Panorama, 3 May 2017; do Carmo: 00:25:32; Foy: 00:35:58.
  18. ^ Esther Addley, "Madeleine McCann: hope and persistence rewarded", The Guardian, 27 April 2012
  19. ^ Brian Cathcart, "The Real McCann Scandal", New Statesman, 23 October 2008.
  20. ^ a b Eilis O'Hanlon, "Eilis O'Hanlon: The sad rise of cyber courts full of Twittering bullies", Sunday Independent (Ireland), 29 April 2012.
  21. ^ "The dark side of social media", Nature, editorial, 15 February 2017
  22. ^ a b Mark Sweney and Leigh Holmwood, "McCanns accept Express damages and high court apology", The Guardian, 19 March 2008.
    Owen Gibson, "Express Newspapers forced to apologise to McCann family over Madeleine allegations", The Guardian, 19 March 2008.
    Roy Greenslade, "Express and Star apologies to McCanns bring all journalism into disrepute", The Guardian, 19 March 2008.
    Owen Gibson, "Newspapers apologise to McCanns", The Guardian, 20 March 2008.
    "Kate and Gerry McCann: Sorry", Sunday Express, 23 March 2008; "Kate & Gerry McCann: Sorry", Daily Star Sunday, 23 March 2008.
    Matthew Moore, "Madeleine McCann: Daily Express publishes apology to 'Tapas Seven'", The Daily Telegraph, 16 October 2008.

    Oliver Tuft and Stephen Brook, "Madeleine McCann: Express apologises to the 'tapas seven' in high court", The Guardian, 16 October 2008.

  23. ^ James Robinson, "Leveson inquiry: McCanns deliver damning two-hour testimony", The Guardian, 23 November 2011.
  24. ^ a b Kate and Gerry McCann's testimony, Leveson Inquiry, 23 November 2011; also on YouTube, part 1/3, 2/3, 3/3.

    Witness statement of Gerry McCann, Leveson Inquiry, signed 30 October 2011.

  25. ^ Gordon Raynor, "Madeleine McCann: parents' court bid for information ", The Daily Telegraph, 20 June 2008; McCann 2011, 124–125.
  26. ^ Gerry McCann, "Where is Madeleine McCann?" (transcript), Piers Morgan Tonight, CNN, 11 May 2011.
  27. ^ Also see "McCann, Madeleine Beth". Interpol. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015.; "How common is Madeleine's eye defect?", BBC News, 21 February 2008.
  28. ^ Haroon Siddique, "Madeleine McCann's parents release picture of how she might look now", The Guardian, 1 May 2009.
  29. ^ "Madeleine McCann: Police release new 'age progression' image", The Daily Telegraph, April 2012.
  30. ^ McCann 2011, 7–10, 18–19.
  31. ^ "Dr Gerry McCann", University of Leicester. Also see Spence 2007, 1168.
  32. ^ McCann 2011, 17, 26, 37.
  33. ^ McCann 2011, 42.
  34. ^ a b Angela Balakrishnan, "Key players in the McCann case", The Guardian, 10 April 2008; "Who are the McCann tapas seven?", BBC News, 16 October 2008.
  35. ^ McCann 2011, 20.
  36. ^ McCann 2011, 42.
  37. ^ McCann 2011, 76.
  38. ^ a b c d e f g h Judy Bachrach, "Unanswered Prayers", Vanity Fair, October 2008.
  39. ^ a b Caroline Gammell, "Madeleine McCann: Apartment was not made crime scene for two months", The Daily Telegraph, 8 August 2008.
  40. ^ Angela Balakrishnan, "The resort that was rocked one night in May", The Guardian, 11 April 2008.
  41. ^ McCann 2011, 45.
  42. ^ DCI Andy Redwood, Crimewatch, BBC, 14 October 2013, from 00:20:02.
  43. ^ a b c d e Angela Balakrishnan, "What happened on the day Madeleine disappeared?", The Guardian, 11 April 2008.
  44. ^ "Searching for Madeleine", Dispatches, Channel 4, 18 October 2007, 00:15:21.
  45. ^ "Searching for Madeleine", Dispatches, 00:06:25.
  46. ^ McCann 2011, 62–64.
  47. ^ Giles Tremlett, "McCanns release last picture of Madeleine before she vanished", The Guardian, 25 May 2007.

    For 2:29 pm: Laura Roberts, "Madeleine McCann: Kate McCann fears outfit may have led to kidnap", The Daily Telegraph, 11 May 2011.

  48. ^ McCann 2011, 67, 69.
  49. ^ a b c d McCann 2011, 69–70.
  50. ^ McCann 2011, 56, 325.
  51. ^ a b c d e f "Madeleine McCann: Police reveal 'pre-planned abduction' theory", BBC News, 15 October 2013.
  52. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 21 March 2015. Retrieved 21 March 2015.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  53. ^ a b Bridget O'Donnell, "My months with Madeleine", The Guardian, 14 December 2007.
  54. ^ a b c d e f g h i Smith, David James. "Kate and Gerry McCann: Beyond the smears". The Sunday Times. Archived from the original on 6 April 2016.
  55. ^ "Reconstruction of Tanner sighting", "Madeleine was here", Cutting Edge, Channel 4 (UK), 10 May 2009, 4/5, 00:02:34.
  56. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 85.
  57. ^ McCann 2011, 76.
  58. ^ Caroline Gammell, "Madeleine McCann: Map 'shows where abductor was spotted'", The Daily Telegraph, 5 August 2008.
  59. ^ McCann 2011, 84.
  60. ^ McCann 2011, 230, 273, 370.
  61. ^ Michelle Pauli, "Is this Madeleine McCann's abductor?", The Guardian, 26 October 2007.

    Martin Hodgson, "McCanns release sketch of man seen near apartment", The Guardian, 26 October 2007.

  62. ^ Peter Walker, "Madeleine McCann inquiry shifts as sighting found to be false lead", The Guardian, 14 October 2013; Summers & Swan 2014, 254.
  63. ^ DCI Andy Redwood, Crimewatch, BBC, 14 October 2013, from 00:21:16.
  64. ^ DCI Andy Redwood, Crimewatch, BBC, 14 October 2013, from 00:23:27.

    "Madeleine McCann: Few people rent apartment 5A since Maddie vanished", Irish Independent, 5 May 2012.

  65. ^ a b c d e Heidi Blake and Jonathan Calvert, "Madeleine clues hidden for 5 years", The Sunday Times, 27 October 2013.
  66. ^ a b c McCann 2011, 98.
  67. ^ "Madeleine was here", Cutting Edge, Channel 4 (UK), 10 May 2009, 4/5, 00:05:55; Crimewatch, BBC, 14 October 2013, from 00:23:35.
  68. ^ Patrick Counihan, "Irish couple key witnesses as British police launch new enquiry into Madeleine McCann case", Irish Central, 14 October 2013.
  69. ^ a b McCann 2011, 123.
  70. ^ BBC Crimewatch, 14 October 2013, from 00:23:35.
  71. ^ McCann 2011, 71–73; "Madeleine was here", Channel 4 Cutting Edge, 10 May 2009, 1/5, 00:00:45.
  72. ^ McCann 2011, 74.
  73. ^ "Searching for Madeleine", Dispatches, Channel 4, 18 October 2007, 00:08:36; for the first search being abandoned at 4:30 am: 00:09:33.
  74. ^ McCann 2011, 75–76.
  75. ^ a b McCann 2011, 78.
  76. ^ "Madeleine McCann: The evidence", BBC News, 8 September 2007.
  77. ^ Polícia Judiciária files, cited in McCann 2011, 85.
  78. ^ "Searching for Madeleine", Dispatches, Channel 4, 18 October 2007, 00:20:20.
  79. ^ a b c Paul Hamilos and Brendan de Beer, "Detective leading hunt for Madeleine sacked after blast at UK police", The Guardian, 3 October 2007.
  80. ^ Steven Morris, "Q&A: Madeleine McCann", The Guardian, 8 May 2007.
  81. ^ a b Summers & Swan 2014, 237–328.
  82. ^ Richard Edwards and Fiona Govan, "Maddy police ignored vital CCTV", The Daily Telegraph 19 May 2007.
  83. ^ "Madeleine evidence 'may be lost'", BBC News, 17 June 2007.
  84. ^ Richard Edwards, "The 15 key blunders", The Daily Telegraph, 2 June 2007.
  85. ^ Collins 2008, xxxi–xxxii.
  86. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 48–49; "Profile: Matt Baggott", BBC News, 11 August 2009.
  87. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 48–49.
  88. ^ a b c Fiona Govan, "Madeleine McCann's death 'covered up by parents who faked kidnap', court hears", The Daily Telegraph, 12 January 2010.
  89. ^ "Madeleine McCann: A Global Obsession", Channel 5 (UK), 18 November 2014, 00:15:48.
  90. ^ a b Giles Tremlett, "With prejudice", The Guardian, 17 September 2007.
  91. ^ Ben Dowell, "McCanns' PR steps down", The Guardian, 13 September 2007.

    Hannah Marriott, "Hanover calls time on McCanns", PR Week, 21 November 2007; David Quainton, "McCanns still fine-tuning PR", PR Week, 19 September 2007.

  92. ^ McCann 2011, 148, 268.

    Cole Morton, "Clarence Mitchell: 'I am a decent human being. If I can help them, I will'", The Independent on Sunday, 1 March 2009.

  93. ^ "Madeleine McCann: A Global Obsession", Channel 5 (UK), 18 November 2014, 00:20:58.
  94. ^ a b Giles Tremlett and Brendan de Beer, "Parents of Madeleine to visit Pope in bid to spread hunt across Europe", The Guardian, 28 May 2007.
  95. ^ McCann 2011, 178ff; Fiona Govan, "Smiles as children greet McCanns in Morocco", The Daily Telegraph, 12 June 2007.
  96. ^ "Balloons Soar for Missing British Girl", Associated Press, 22 June 2007.
  97. ^ India Knight, "Lay off the McCanns", The Times, 3 June 2007.
    Kirsty Wark, "Madeleine and the media", BBC News, 21 August 2007.

    Janice Turner, "Face it: we need the McCanns to be guilty", The Times, 15 September 2007.{pb} Matthew Paris, interviewed for "Madeleine McCann: A Global Obsession", Channel 5 (UK), 18 November 2014, 00:19:07.

  98. ^ Rehling 2012, 153.
  99. ^ Jonathan Freedland, "Madeleine: a grimly compelling story that will end badly for us all", The Guardian, 12 September 2007.
  100. ^ Machado & Prainsack 2016, 52–53.
  101. ^ Kennedy 2010, 225, 227.
  102. ^ a b c Giles Tremlett, "Madeleine disappearance: Briton's villa searched and three questioned by police", The Guardian, 15 May 2007.
  103. ^ "Mild-mannered father who became first one accused", Press Association, 1 May 2008.
    "Murat addresses Cambridge Union", BBC News, 5 March 2009.

    "Robert Murat holds Cambridge Union spellbound in tabloids debate", University of Cambridge, 6 March 2009.

  104. ^ a b c David James Smith, Steven Swinford and Richard Woods, "Victims of the rumour mill?", The Sunday Times, 9 September 2007.
  105. ^ "Profile: Robert Murat", BBC News, 21 July 2008.
  106. ^ McCann 2011, 134–136; Summers & Swan 2014, 89; Haroon Siddique, "McCann friends confront Madeleine suspect", The Guardian, 13 July 2007.
  107. ^ Gordon Rayner, "Madeleine witnesses cast doubt on Murat's alibi", The Daily Telegraph, 31 December 2007.
  108. ^ Richard Bilton, "Madeleine McCann: 10 Years On", Panorama, BBC, 3 May 2017, 00:29:09.
  109. ^ "Russian denies links to Madeleine", BBC News, 17 May 2007.

    "New Madeleine search draws blank", BBC News, 6 August 2007.

  110. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 89; "Murat friend quizzed over Madeleine finds car torched—and the word 'speak' scrawled beside it", London Evening Standard, 21 March 2008.
  111. ^ a b Mark Townsend and Ned Temko, "Madeleine 'suspect' in massive libel claim", The Observer, 13 April 2008.
  112. ^ a b Brendan de Beer, "Madeleine McCann case: Portuguese police question four suspects", The Guardian, 1 July 2014.
  113. ^ a b c Brendan de Beer, Josh Halliday, "Madeleine McCann case: first suspect Robert Murat re-interviewed as witness", The Independent, 10 December 2014.
  114. ^ Rozina Sabur, "Key eyewitness says she saw young woman acting 'suspiciously' on night Madeleine McCann disappeared", The Daily Telegraph, 3 May 2017.
  115. ^ a b c d DCI Andy Redwood, Crimewatch, BBC, 14 October 2013, from 00:24:38–00:27:15 (discusses the men, the reconnaissance and abduction theory, and the fourfold increase in burglaries). For fourfold increase, also see Summers & Swan 2014, 255.
  116. ^ Collins 2008, 202–203; Summers & Swan 2014, 57–59.
  117. ^ a b DCI Andy Redwood, Crimewatch, BBC, 14 October 2013, from 00:30:45.
  118. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 58.
  119. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 58–59.
  120. ^ McCann 2011, 373.
  121. ^ a b McCann 2011, 469–473; "'Very ugly' new Madeleine suspect", BBC News, 6 May 2009; "Madeleine was here", Cutting Edge, Channel 4, 10 May 2009, 3/5, 00:03:30; for the white van: 00:05:58.
  122. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 287–288; McCann 2011, 375.
  123. ^ BBC Crimewatch, 14 October 2013, 00:24:45.
  124. ^ Richard Edwards, "We're good parents not suspects, say McCanns", The Daily Telegraph, 7 June 2007.

    José Manuel Oliveira, Paula Martinheira, "PJ teme que pista marroquina de Madeleine resulte em nada", Diario de Noticias, 7 June 2007.

  125. ^ a b McCann 2011, 189.
  126. ^ Felicia Cabrita and Margarida Davim, "The Madeleine Case: A Pact of Silence", Sol, 30 June 2007; Summers & Swan 2014, 136–137.
  127. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 136.
  128. ^ a b Witness statements, Gerry McCann, Polícia Judiciária, Portimão, 4 May 2007 and 10 May 2007.
  129. ^ Chief Inspector Tavares de Almeida, Polícia Judiciária, report to the coordinator of the investigation, 10 September 2007, Polícia Judiciária files, vol X, 2587–2602.
  130. ^ a b Collins 2008, 211–212.
  131. ^ Witness statement, Gerry McCann, Polícia Judiciária, Portimão, 10 May 2007; McCann 2011, 73.
  132. ^ David Brown, "Puzzles and mysteries at the very heart of the investigation", The Times, 10 September 2007.
  133. ^ Collins 2008, 208–212.
  134. ^ Victoria Burnett, "As a Child Disappears, Old Headlines Howl Again", The New York Times, 18 September 2007.
  135. ^ Richard Bilton, "Madeleine: The Last Hope?", BBC Panorama, 25 April 2012, 00:14:33.
  136. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 140. Also see Ben Goldacre, "After Madeleine, why not Bin Laden?", The Guardian, 13 October 2007.
  137. ^ McCann 2011, 186–187, 197, 199.
  138. ^ a b Mark Townsend and Ned Temko, "Forensic DNA tests 'reveal traces of Madeleine's body on resort beach'", The Guardian, 7 October 2007.
  139. ^ Gonçalo Amaral, quoted in Summers & Swan 2014, 141.
  140. ^ a b Summers & Swan 2014, 141–142.
  141. ^ "Judge admits Madeleine's case was at a 'dead end' in December –but it took another 7 months to clear McCanns", London Evening Standard, 12 August 2008.
  142. ^ Brendan McDaid, "Top sniffer dog to join Maddy search", Belfast Telegraph, 8 August 2007.

    For information on Keela: "Top Dog". South Yorkshire Police. Archived from the original on 14 January 2008.

  143. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 147–148.
  144. ^ a b Keela and Eddie in 5A; In the car park and 5A, Polícia Judiciária, August 2007, released 11 August 2008, courtesy of YouTube.
  145. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 149.
  146. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 149–150.
  147. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 150–152.
  148. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 150.
  149. ^ Caroline Gammell, "Madeleine McCann's parents look to US sniffer dog case", The Daily Telegraph, 17 August 2007.
  150. ^ McCann 2011, 241; Summers & Swan 2014, 152
  151. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 152–153.
  152. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 153.
  153. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 153; Andrew Alderson and Tom Harper, "The allegations facing the McCanns", The Daily Telegraph, 9 September 2007.
  154. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 154–156.
  155. ^ Sandra Laville, "UK lab to test blood found in Madeleine room", The Guardian, 7 August 2007.
  156. ^ a b Summers & Swan 2014, 158.
  157. ^ a b c Robert Mendick, "Home Office launches secret review into Madeleine McCann's disappearance", The Daily Telegraph, 6 March 2010.
  158. ^ Machado and Santos 2011, 312–313; for background, see "Low Copy Number DNA testing in the Criminal Justice System" Archived 28 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine, Crown Prosecution Service, cps.gov.uk.
  159. ^ John Lowe, Forensic Science Service, Birmingham, email to Detective Superintendent Stuart Prior, Leicestershire police, 3 September 2007, released 4 August 2008.
  160. ^ James Orr, Brendan de Beer and agencies, "UK police warned on DNA evidence before McCanns became suspects", The Guardian, 4 August 2008; McCann 2011, 331.
  161. ^ McCann 2011, 243.
  162. ^ James Sturcke and James Orr, "Kate McCann 'fears Madeleine killing charge over blood traces in car'", The Guardian, 7 September 2007.
  163. ^ Caroline Gammell, "Madeleine McCann: Portuguese detectives lied to Gerry McCann about DNA evidence", The Daily Telegraph, 4 August 2008.
  164. ^ "The questions put to Kate McCann", BBC News, 6 August 2008; McCann 2011, 248.
  165. ^ Gordon Rayner, Caroline Gammell and Nick Britten, "Madeleine McCann DNA 'an accurate match'", The Daily Telegraph, 12 September 2007.
  166. ^ "Searching for Madeleine", Dispatches, Channel 4, 18 October 2007, 00:41:10; for the Evening Standard, Goc 2009, 39.
  167. ^ Lawton 2012, 85–89.
  168. ^ Lisa O'Carroll, "Leveson inquiry: ex-police chief defends not preventing false McCann DNA reports", The Guardian, 28 March 2012.
  169. ^ Matt Baggott: transcript of testimony, Leveson Inquiry, 28 March 2012, afternoon hearing, 68–71; also see 76–83.
  170. ^ Matt Baggott, Leveson Inquiry, 28 March 2012, afternoon hearing (video), from 104:38 and 115:22.
  171. ^ Matt Baggott's witness statement, Leveson Inquiry, question 50, 22–25.
  172. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 170; "Madeleine parents back in Britain", BBC News, 9 September 2007.
  173. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 172–173.
  174. ^ Caroline Gammell, "Madeleine judge is known as a tough character", The Daily Telegraph, 12 September 2007.
  175. ^ Caroline Gammell, "Police seek McCanns' laptop to read emails", The Daily Telegraph, 12 September 2007.
  176. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 173.
  177. ^ Ben Quinn, "WikiLeaks cables: UK police 'developed' evidence against McCanns", The Guardian, 13 December 2010.

    For the date of the meeting, "US embassy cables: British police 'developed evidence' against McCanns, Washington told ", The Guardian, 13 December 2010.

  178. ^ David Brown and Patrick Foster, "Private security team hired by Kate and Gerry McCann for secret investigation", The Times, 24 September 2007.
  179. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 213–214; McCann 2011, 213–214.
  180. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 165.
  181. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 213–214; Fiona Govan, "Madeleine McCann's mother takes drug test", The Daily Telegraph, 23 November 2007.
  182. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 181–182.
  183. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 110; Caroline Gammell, "Detective accused in case of missing girl", The Daily Telegraph, 17 September 2007.

    John Bingham, "Madeleine McCann police chief found guilty of falsifying evidence", The Daily Telegraph, 23 May 2009.

  184. ^ "New police chief for McCann case", BBC News, 9 October 2007.
  185. ^ "Madeleine police meet in Britain", BBC News, 29 November 2007.
  186. ^ Angela Balakrishnan and agencies, "Madeleine police head to UK for Tapas Seven interviews", The Guardian, 7 April 2008.
  187. ^ "McCann reconstruction called off", BBC News, 27 May 2008.
  188. ^ "McCanns angry over Madeleine leak", BBC News, 11 April 2008; "Police deny claims of McCann leak", BBC News, 14 April 2008.
  189. ^ "Madeleine police chief quits post", BBC News, 7 May 2008.
  190. ^ Laura Clout, "Madeleine McCann's parents being investigated for negligence", The Daily Telegraph, 28 May 2008.
  191. ^ Brendan de Beer and Ian Cobain, "McCanns hope for end to speculation as police release complete file on Madeleine", The Guardian, 5 August 2008

    Steve Kingston, "Madeleine revelations offer few facts", BBC News, 7 August 2008.

  192. ^ Gordon Rayner, "Madeleine McCann parents gain access to police files", The Daily Telegraph, 7 July 2008.
  193. ^ Caroline Gammell, "Madeleine McCann: E-fits of suspect released for first time", The Daily Telegraph, 5 August 2008.
  194. ^ "Madeleine McCann's parents criticise release of files", BBC News, 6 March 2010.
  195. ^ McCanns' testimony, from 00:75:10; McCann 2011, 333.
  196. ^ McCann 2011, 333; "Paper apology over McCann diary", BBC News, 21 September 2008; McCanns' testimony, Leveson Inquiry, 23 November 2011, 00:71:10.
  197. ^ Martin Evans, "Leveson Inquiry: Kate McCann felt 'mentally raped' after NOTW published private diary", The Daily Telegraph, 17 November 2011.
  198. ^ Haroon Siddique, "Detective's book claims Madeleine McCann died in apartment", The Guardian, 24 July 2008.
  199. ^ Ned Temko, "Madeleine police chief to launch 'explosive' book", The Observer, 20 July 2008.

    Ned Temko, "On the front line in the search for Maddie", The Observer, 3 August 2008.

  200. ^ Thais Portilho-Shrimpton, "Detective set to publish McCann book in Britain", The Independent, 16 November 2008.
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  205. ^ Giles Tremlett, "Madeleine McCann book ban overturned by Portuguese court", The Guardian, 19 October 2010.
  206. ^ Josh Halliday, Brenden de Beer, "Madeleine McCann's parents win libel damages in trial of police chief", The Guardian, 28 April 2015.
  207. ^ "Madeleine McCann's parents lose libel case appeal in Portugal", Press Association, 1 February 2017.
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  211. ^ a b Summers, Anthony; Swan, Robbyn (10 September 2014). "Madeleine McCann: 'I listened for 15 seconds and knew they were innocent'". The Daily Telegraph. Archived from the original on 11 October 2018.
  212. ^ McCann 2011, 268–269.
  213. ^ "Officers", Madeleine's Fund: Leaving No Stone Unturned Limited, Companies House, beta.companieshouse.gov.uk.
  214. ^ a b "Madeleine search fund raised £2m", BBC News, 29 January 2009.
  215. ^ "Madeleine McCann fund raised £2 million in first 10 months", The Daily Telegraph, 29 January 2009.
  216. ^ "Madeleine McCann: A Global Obsession", Channel 5 (UK), 18 November 2014, 00:21:15.
  217. ^ "Branson's fund for McCann lawyers", BBC News, 16 September 2007; Rehling 2012, 152.
  218. ^ "Madeleine's Fund statement in full", BBC News, 12 September 2007.
  219. ^ "McCanns used fund to pay mortgage", BBC News, 30 October 2007.
  220. ^ "Madeleine reward rises to £2.5m", BBC News, 12 May 2007.
  221. ^ "Papers paying damages to McCanns", BBC News, 19 March 2008.
  222. ^ a b Matthew Moore, "Madeleine McCann: Daily Express publishes apology to 'Tapas Seven'", The Daily Telegraph, 16 October 2008.
  223. ^ a b "Transcript of morning hearing, 11 May 2012" (examination of Rebekah Brooks), Leveson Inquiry: Culture Practice and Ethics of the Press, nationalarchives.gov.uk, 99–109.
  224. ^ For a reported £1 million, see Richard Bilton, "Madeleine: The Last Hope?", BBC Panorama, 25 April 2012, 00:20:10.
  225. ^ Martin Evans, "Madeleine McCann's parents set to fund their own search", The Daily Telegraph, 20 December 2015.
  226. ^ McCann 2011, 125; James Sturcke and agencies, "McCanns still cling to hope, says spokesman", The Guardian, 24 September 2007.
  227. ^ Steven Swinford, John Follainin and Mohamed El Hamraoui, "McCanns send sleuths to Morocco", The Sunday Times, 30 September 2007.
  228. ^ a b c Mark Hollingsworth, "The McCann Files", ES Magazine (London Evening Standard), 24 August 2009.
  229. ^ McCann 2011, 179–180.
  230. ^ Anthony Summers and Robbyn Swan (10 September 2014). "Madeleine McCann: 'I listened for 15 seconds and knew they were innocent'". The Daily Telegraph.
  231. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 141.
  232. ^ "Madeleine McCann investigators swamped with calls about new lead", The Daily Telegraph, 7 August 2009; "Madeleine McCann: E-fits of suspects", The Daily Telegraph, 6 August 2009.
  233. ^ Martina Smit, "Divers search lake for Madeleine McCann", The Daily Telegraph, 5 February 2008; "'Underworld' tip leads to new Maddie hunt", CNN, 12 March 2008; Howard Brereton, "Spanish detective agency confirms bones found are not of missing Madeleine McCann", Typically Spanish, 16 March 2008.
  234. ^ David Lohr, "Madeleine McCann May Be Buried Under Driveway; Authorities Seem Unwilling To Investigate", The Huffington Post, 20 September 2012.
  235. ^ Jerome Taylor, "FBI hunts for investigator paid £500,000 by McCanns", The Independent, 23 November 2009.

    McCann 2011, 349–350; "The McCanns and the Conman", Channel Five, 20 June 2014.

  236. ^ Kevin Sullivan, "Fraud suspect Kevin Richard Halligen allegedly posed as a spy and cheated the elite on both sides of the Atlantic" Archived 29 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine, The Washington Post, 9 June 2012.
  237. ^ "Madeleine McCann private detective Kevin Halligen dies". BBC News. 14 January 2018.
  238. ^ "Madeleine parents back in Britain", BBC News, 9 September 2007.
  239. ^ a b "Kate and Gerry McCann and Madeleine's Fund". The Sunday Times. 28 December 2013. Archived from the original on 4 January 2014. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
  240. ^ a b William Turvill, "Sunday Times sued by McCanns over story which wrongly claimed evidence was withheld from police", PressGazette, 19 September 2014.

    "Kate and Gerry McCann criticise press after libel payout", BBC News, 3 October 2014.

  241. ^ Gerry McCann, "Leveson has changed nothing—the media still put 'stories' before the truth", The Guardian, 2 October 2014.
  242. ^ McCann 2011, 366.
  243. ^ a b Martin Brunt, "Madeleine: Secret Report On Police Probe", Sky News, 1 September 2014.
    "Secret Madeleine McCann report finds competing British forces hampered inquiry", The Daily Telegraph, 1 September 2014.
    "Madeleine: The Last Hope", interview with Jim Gamble, Panorama, BBC Australia, 17 May 2012.

    Also see Jim Gamble, "Madeleine McCann's abductors should beware, the police will not give up", The Guardian, 14 October 2013.

  244. ^ a b Theresa May's testimony, Leveson Inquiry, 29 May 2012, 97–98.
  245. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 239.
  246. ^ a b "Freedom of Information Request", Metropolitan Police; "Madeleine McCann: UK police request Portuguese assistance", BBC News, 13 January 2014.
  247. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 242–243; for the open letter: Andy Bloxham, "Madeleine McCann: text of parents' letter to David Cameron", The Daily Telegraph, 13 May 2011.
  248. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 244.
  249. ^ Richard Bilton, "Madeleine: The Last Hope?", BBC Panorama, 25 April 2012, from 00:20:10.
  250. ^ Andy Redwood, "Madeleine: The Last Hope?", BBC Panorama, 25 April 2012.
  251. ^ Martin Evans, "Detective leading hunt for Madeleine McCann steps down", The Daily Telegraph, 5 December 2014.
  252. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 253; "British police launch inquiry into missing Madeleine McCann", Reuters, 5 July 2013.
  253. ^ "Madeleine McCann 'could be alive' say detectives as new image released", The Daily Telegraph 25 April 2012.
  254. ^ Jessica Elgot, "Madeleine McCann: Met reduces officers on case from 29 to four", The Guardian, 28 October 2015.
  255. ^ "Madeleine McCann detectives may apply for more Home Office funding for 'outstanding work'", The Daily Telegraph, 24 August 2016.
  256. ^ "Police given funds to extend Madeline McCann probe for another six months", Press Association, 12 March 2017.
  257. ^ "Madeleine McCann investigation receives more funding", BBC News, 13 November 2018.
  258. ^ a b "AC Mark Rowley reflects on the tenth anniversary of the disappearance of Madeleine McCann" Archived 2 May 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Metropolitan Police.
  259. ^ "Madeleine McCann suspect 'is female': Police hunt woman spotted close to disappearance in 'hugely significant line of inquiry'", The Daily Telegraph, 30 April 2017.
  260. ^ Caroline Davies, "Madeleine McCann case: Scotland Yard identifies new leads", The Guardian, 17 May 2013.

    Melanie Hall, "Police hunt six British cleaners in search for Madeleine McCann", The Daily Telegraph, 19 May 2013.

  261. ^ "Madeleine McCann: Police reveal 'pre-planned abduction' theory", BBC News, 14 October 2013.

    "Madeleine McCann appeal: Police receive 2,400 calls and emails", BBC News, 17 October 2013.

  262. ^ Collins 2008, 159.
  263. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 260–261.
  264. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 255.
  265. ^ a b "Madeleine McCann detectives in Portugal again – reports", Press Association, 29 January 2014.
  266. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 256; Fiona Govan, "Madeleine McCann suspect 'may have died in tractor accident'", The Daily Telegraph, 30 October 2013.

    Fiona Govan and Jasper Copping, "Maddie: 'suspect could have been deported'", The Daily Telegraph, 31 October 2013.

  267. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 272–284; McCann 2011, 323–324.
    "New appeal following the disappearance of Madeleine McCann", Metropolitan Police.

    James Meikle, "Madeleine McCann police seek intruder who attacked girls at holiday homes", The Guardian, 19 March 2014.

  268. ^ Brendan de Beer and James Meikle, "Madeleine McCann suspect 'died in 2009'", The Guardian, 20 March 2014.
  269. ^ Josh Halliday and Brendan de Beer, "Madeleine McCann: police investigate sewerage system in Praia da Luz", The Guardian, 5 June 2014.
  270. ^ Brendan de Beer, Josh Halliday, "Madeleine McCann detectives finish questioning suspects", The Guardian, 2 July 2014.
  271. ^ Adam Lusher, "What happened to Madeleine McCann? Five possible scenarios explained", The Independent, 3 May 2017.
  272. ^ "Madeleine: Met returns to Algarve to grill Brits with '253 questions'". Portugal Resident. 2 December 2014. Archived from "253-questions" the original on 26 September 2018. Retrieved 13 March 2017.
  273. ^ "Madeleine McCann 'abducted during botched burglary'", The Daily Telegraph, 29 April 2016.

    "British police continue Madeleine interviews in Portugal", ITV News, 12 December 2014.

  274. ^ Welle (www.dw.com), Deutsche. "German sex offender identified as suspect in Madeleine McCann disappearance | DW | 03.06.2020". DW.COM. Retrieved 3 June 2020.
  275. ^ Moody, Oliver; Hamilton, Fiona (4 June 2020). "Madeleine McCann: suspect named as Christian Brückner". The Times. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  276. ^ "New suspect identified in Madeleine McCann case". BBC News. 3 June 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  277. ^ "Wir gehen davon aus, dass das Mädchen tot ist" (German)
  278. ^ Titcomb, James; Murphy, Margi (3 June 2020). "Madeleine McCann: What data could investigators gather from suspect's mobile phone number?". The Telegraph. ISSN 0307-1235. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  279. ^ "Madeleine McCann investigators search German allotment". BBC. Retrieved 28 July 2020.
  280. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 269, 272.
  281. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 275–278; Chris Irvine and Lucy Cockcroft, "Madeleine McCann: British paedophile Raymond Hewlett is 'significant new suspect'", The Daily Telegraph, 22 May 2009.
    Richard Edwards, "Paedophile Raymond Hewlett agrees to Madeleine McCann interview", The Daily Telegraph, 26 May 2009.
    "Madeleine McCann: Raymond Hewlett gives DNA sample to police", The Daily Telegraph, 28 May 2009.

    Neal Keeling, "A pauper’s funeral for convicted paedophile", Manchester Evening News, 28 April 2010, updated 12 January 2013.

  282. ^ Graham Keely, "Jailed Madeleine suspects questioned over missing child", The Times, 13 November 2013.

    Severin Carrell, "Paedophile couple get life for killing woman who threatened to expose them", The Guardian, 10 June 2010.

  283. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 278–279.
  284. ^ Summers & Swan 2014, 274–275; David Brown, "Paedophile suicide in new Madeleine link", The Times, 7 August 2007.

    "Scotland Yard a enquêté à St-Gall pour l'affaire Maddie", 24 heures, 7 July 2013.

  285. ^ Tom Morgan, "Sir Clement Freud victim interviewed by Madeleine McCann detectives – reports", The Daily Telegraph, 25 June 2016.
  286. ^ Gordon Rayner, "How Clement Freud invited Kate and Gerry McCann for lunch after Madeleine disappeared", The Daily Telegraph, 15 June 2016; McCann 2011, 193–194.

    Martin Evans, Gordon Rayner, "Sir Clement Freud exposed as a paedophile as police urged to probe Madeleine McCann links", The Daily Telegraph, 15 June 2016.

  287. ^ Gordon Rayner, Martin Evans, Patrick Sawer, "Police were told two years ago about Clement Freud's Madeleine McCann connection but 'did nothing' victim says", The Daily Telegraph, 15 June 2016.
  288. ^ Rehling 2012, 164–165.
  289. ^ Synott, Coulias & Ioannou 2017, 71.
  290. ^ Colin Freeman, "Madeleine McCann: is there hope at last?", The Daily Telegraph, 19 October 2013.
  291. ^ "Madeleine McCann contempt case: Tony Bennett guilty", BBC News, 21 February 2013.
  292. ^ "McCann 'Twitter troll' Brenda Leyland suicide verdict", BBC News, 20 March 2015.
  293. ^ a b Roy Greenslade, "Express and Star apologies to McCanns bring all journalism into disrepute", The Guardian, 19 March 2008.
  294. ^ Rehling 2012, 153–154, 159–161]]; Machado & Prainsack 2016, 52.
  295. ^ Michael Cole, interviewed for "Madeleine McCann: A Global Obsession", Channel 5 (UK), 18 November 2014, 00:31:36.
  296. ^ Rehling 2012, 159–161; Deborah Orr, "Pistorius's case is an empty vessel into which all our prejudices may be poured", The Guardian, 22 February 2013.
  297. ^ "Petitioners want McCann inquiry", BBC News, 12 June 2007.
  298. ^ Enright 2007; Goc 2009, 40.
  299. ^ Bainbridge 2012, 2, 6–7.
  300. ^ For advice from abduction experts: Judy Bachrach, interviewed for "Madeleine McCann: A Global Obsession", Channel 5 (UK), 18 November 2014, 00:17:05.

    For Correio da Manhã: Machado and Santos 2009, 158.

  301. ^ Goc 2009, 34.
  302. ^ Dominic Lawson, "Dominic Lawson: This tidal wave of emotional tyranny", The Independent, 10 September 2007.

    Kendall Hill, "McCann Case: The 'Dingo' Mom Speaks", Newsweek, 19 September 2007.

  303. ^ Goc 2009, 39, 41.
  304. ^ a b Lisa O'Carroll and Jason Deans, "Daily Express editor was 'obsessed' with Madeleine McCann story, inquiry hears", The Guardian, 21 December 2011.
  305. ^ Roy Greenslade, "McCanns take on the Express at last", The Guardian, 13 March 2008.
  306. ^ "Daily Star Editor 'sorry' for McCann distress", BBC News, 12 January 2012.
  307. ^ a b Oliver Luft and John Plunkett, "Madeleine McCann: Newspapers pay out £600,000 to Robert Murat", The Guardian, 17 July 2008.
  308. ^ Caitlin Fitzsimmons and Leigh Holmwood, "Sky News apologises to Robert Murat over Madeleine McCann story", The Guardian, 14 November 2008.
  309. ^ "The Disappearance of Madeleine McCann". Netflix. Archived from the original on 18 March 2019.
  310. ^ Sophie Gilbert (14 March 2019). "The Disappearance of Madeleine McCann Is an Emotional, Exhaustive Project". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 18 March 2019.

Works cited

News sources are listed in the References section only.

External links

1 January 2007

Bulgaria and Romania join the EU.

  EU members in 2007
  New EU members admitted in 2007

On 1 January 2007, Bulgaria and Romania became member states of the European Union (EU) in the fifth wave of EU enlargement.[1]


Romania was the first country of post-communist Europe to have official relations with the European Community. In 1974, a treaty included Romania in the Community's Generalized System of Preferences. After the Romanian Revolution of 1989, membership of the EC, and its successor the European Union (EU), had been the main goal of every Romanian Government and practically every political party in Romania. Romania signed its Europe Agreement in 1993,[2] and submitted its official application for membership in the EU on 22 June 1995 and Bulgaria submitted its official application for membership in the EU on 14 December 1995, the third and the fourth of the post–communist European countries to do so after Hungary and Poland. Along with its official EU application, Romania submitted the Snagov Declaration, signed by all fourteen major political parties declaring their full support for EU membership.[3]

During the 2000s, Bulgaria and Romania implemented a number of reforms to prepare for EU accession, including the consolidation of its democratic systems, the institution of the rule of law, the acknowledgement of respect for human rights, the commitment to personal freedom of expression, and the implementation of a functioning free-market economy. The objective of joining the EU also influenced Bulgaria and Romania's regional relations. As a result, Bulgaria and Romania imposed visa regimes on a number of states, including Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Serbia, Montenegro, Turkey and Moldova.

Within the framework of integration meetings held between the EU member states and the EU candidate states Bulgaria and Romania, an 'Association Committee' was held on 22 June 2004. It confirmed overall good progress for the preparation of accession; however, it highlighted the need for further reform of judicial structures in both Bulgaria and Romania, particularly in its pre-trial phases, as well as the need for further efforts to fight against political corruption and organized crime, including human trafficking. The findings were reflected in the 2004 Regular Report for Bulgaria and Romania.[4]

The Brussels European Council of 17 December 2004 confirmed the conclusion of accession negotiations with Bulgaria and Romania.[5] The 26 September 2006 of the European Commission[6] confirmed the date once more, also announcing that Bulgaria and Romania would meet no direct restrictions, but progress in certain areas – reforms of the judicial system, elimination of corruption and the struggle against organized crime — would be strictly monitored.[clarification needed]


5 euro note from the new Europa series written in Latin (EURO) and Greek (ΕΥΡΩ) alphabets, but also in the Cyrillic (ЕВРО) alphabet, as a result of Bulgaria joining the European Union in 2007.

With this accession, Cyrillic became the third official alphabet of the EU, after the Latin and Greek alphabets.[7] Cyrillic will also be featured on the euro banknotes and the national (obverse) side of the Bulgarian euro coins. The ECB and the EU Commission insisted that Bulgaria change the official name of the currency from ЕВРО (EVRO) (as accepted) to ЕУРО (EURO), claiming that the currency should have a standard spelling and pronunciation across the EU.[8] For details, see Linguistic issues concerning the euro. The issue was decisively resolved in favour of Bulgaria at the 2007 EU Summit in Lisbon, allowing Bulgaria to use the Cyrillic spelling евро on all official EU documents.[9][10]


The date of accession, 1 January 2007, was set at the Thessaloniki Summit in 2003 and confirmed in Brussels on 18 June 2004. Bulgaria, Romania and the EU-25 signed the Treaty of Accession on 25 April 2005 at Luxembourg's Neumuenster Abbey.

The 26 September 2006 monitoring report of the European Commission confirmed the entry date as 1 January 2007. The last instrument of ratification of the Treaty of Accession was deposited with the Italian government on 20 December 2006 thereby ensuring it came into force on 1 January 2007.

Work restrictions

Some member states of the EU required Bulgarians and Romanians to acquire a permit to work, whilst members of all other old member states did not require one. In the Treaty of Accession 2005, there was a clause about a transition period so each old EU member state could impose such 2+3+2 transitional periods. Restrictions were planned to remain in place until 1 January 2014 – 7 years after their accession.[11][12][13]

Establishment of rights of EU nationals of Bulgaria and Romania to work in another EU member state
Another EU member state Bulgaria Romania
Finland 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Sweden 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Cyprus 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Estonia 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Latvia 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Lithuania 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Poland 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Czech Republic 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Slovakia 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Slovenia 1 January 2007 1 January 2007
Portugal 1 January 2009 1 January 2009
Spain 1 January 2009 1 January 2009 (reintroduced on 1 January 2011 and removed on 1 January 2014)
Greece 1 January 2009 1 January 2009
Denmark 1 January 2009 1 January 2009
Hungary 1 January 2009 1 January 2009
Italy 1 January 2012 1 January 2012
Ireland 1 January 2012 1 January 2012
France 1 January 2014 1 January 2014
Germany 1 January 2014 1 January 2014
Austria 1 January 2014 1 January 2014
Belgium 1 January 2014 1 January 2014
Netherlands 1 January 2014 1 January 2014
Luxembourg 1 January 2014 1 January 2014
United Kingdom 1 January 2014 1 January 2014
Malta 1 January 2014 1 January 2014

Remaining areas of inclusion

Bulgaria and Romania became members on 1 January 2007, but some areas of cooperation in the European Union will apply to Bulgaria and Romania at a later date. These are:


While both countries were admitted, concerns about corruption and organised crime were still high. As a result, although they joined, they were subject to monitoring from the European Commission through a Mechanism for Cooperation and Verification (CVM). It was initially set up for three years after the accession but has continued indefinitely and although it has highlighted the corruption and applied some pressure to continue reforms, it has not succeeded in forcing the two countries to complete reforms and corruption persists.[14][15] In 2019 however, the European Commission stated that it will admit Bulgaria in the Schengen area for its efforts against corruption.[16]


The accession treaty granted Bulgaria and Romania a seat, like every other state, on the Commission. Bulgaria nominated Meglena Kuneva, from NDSV who was given the post of Commissioner for Consumer Protection in the Barroso Commission, from 1 January 2007 until 31 October 2009. She was nominated in 2006 by the then current Bulgarian Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev. Romania nominated Leonard Orban, an independent, who was made Commissioner for Multilingualism in the Barroso Commission, from 1 January 2007 until 31 October 2009. He was nominated in 2006 by the previous Romanian Prime Minister Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu. Both were approved by Parliament to become Commissioners upon accession.


Upon accession Bulgaria's 18 and Romania's 35 observer MEPs became full voting representatives until each state held an election for the posts, which were mandated to happen before the end of the year. Bulgaria held its election on 20 May 2007 and Romania on 25 November 2007.


Member countries Population Area (km²) GDP
(billion US$)
per capita (US$)
 Bulgaria[2] 7,761,000 111,002 62.29 8,026 Bulgarian
 Romania 22,329,977 238,391 204.4 9,153 Romanian
Accession countries 30,090,977 349,393 266.69 8,863 2
Existing members (2007) 464,205,901 4,104,844 12,170.11 26,217
EU27 (2007) 494,296,878

See also


  1. ^ Enlargement, 3 years after Archived 25 June 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Europa (web portal)
  2. ^ Chronology of the Fifth EU Enlargement, Foreign and Commonwealth Office of the United Kingdom
  3. ^ Melanie H. Ram, PhD, Sub-regional Cooperation and European Integration: Romania’s Delicate Balance
  4. ^ 2004 Regular Report
  5. ^ Brussels European Council of December 17 2004
  6. ^ monitoring report
  7. ^ Leonard Orban (24 May 2007). "Cyrillic, the third official alphabet of the EU, was created by a truly multilingual European" (PDF). europe.eu. Retrieved 3 August 2014.
  8. ^ "Николай Василев ще брани в Брюксел изписването "евро" вместо "еуро"" (in Bulgarian). Mediapool.bg. 7 November 2006. Archived from the original on 28 May 2009. Retrieved 4 January 2007.
  9. ^ "Bulgaria wins victory in "evro" battle". Reuters. 18 October 2007.
  10. ^ "Evro" dispute over - Portuguese foreign minister | The Sofia Echo
  11. ^ "4 EU nations ease work restrictions on new members". Associated Press. 8 January 2008. Retrieved 8 January 2008.[dead link]
  12. ^ See also: Freedom of movement for workers
  13. ^ [1]
  14. ^ EU commission defends Romania-Bulgaria monitoring project EUObserver, March 2010; Bulgaria and Romania in trouble for a too fast EU integration. EuropaRussia, September 2010.
  15. ^ EU Observer, 4 January 2011
  16. ^ EU slams Romania for not tackling corruption, Deutsche Welle, Retrieved on February 2020. "'The Commission notes in particular the commitment of the Bulgarian government to put in place procedures concerning the accountability of the prosecutor general, including safeguarding judicial independence'" the report read...Both Croatia and Bulgaria are working towards Schengen membership." Archived on the Wayback Machine

23 December 2007

An agreement is made for the Kingdom of Nepal to be abolished and the country to become a federal republic with the Prime Minister becoming head of state.

Kingdom of Nepal

  • नेपाल अधिराज्य
  • Nepal Adhirajya
Flag of Nepal
Pre-1962 Flag of Nepal
Flag (1962–2008)
Flag (Pre 1962)
Anthem: "Shreeman Gambhir" (Nepalese: राष्ट्रिय गान्)
(English: "May Glory Crown You, Courageous Sovereign")
Territory of the Kingdom of Nepal in 1808
Territory of the Kingdom of Nepal in 1808
Territory of the Kingdom of Nepal in 2008
Territory of the Kingdom of Nepal in 2008
Common languagesNepali (Gorkhali)
• 1768–1775
Prithvi Narayan Shah Dev (first)
• 2001–2008
(after 2008 as a titular reign)
Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev (last)
Prime Minister 
• 1799–1804
Damodar Pande (first)
• 2006–2008
Girija Prasad Koirala (last)
25 September 1768
1806–1837 and
1799–1804 and
• Rana regime
(under Shah kings)
• Republic
28 May 2008
ISO 3166 codeNP
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Malla Dynasty
Baise Rajya
Chaubisi Rajya
Gorkha Kingdom
Kirat Kingdom
Doti Kingdom
Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal
Today part ofNepal

The Kingdom of Nepal (Nepali: नेपाल अधिराज्य), also known as the Kingdom of Gorkha or Gorkha Empire (Nepali: गोरखा अधिराज्य) or Asal Hindusthan (Real Land of Hindus),[note 1] was a Hindu kingdom on the Indian subcontinent, formed in 1768, by the unification of Nepal.[5] Founded by King Prithvi Narayan Shah, a Gorkhali monarch of Rajput origin from medieval India,[6] it existed for 240 years until the abolition of the Nepalese monarchy in 2008. During this period, Nepal was formally under the rule of the Shah dynasty, which exercised varying degrees of power during the kingdom's existence.

After the invasion of Tibet and plundering of Digarcha by Nepali forces under Prince Regent Bahadur Shah in 1792, the Dalai Lama and Chinese Ambans reported to the Chinese administration for military support. The Chinese and Tibetan forces under Fuk'anggan attacked Nepal but went for negotiations after failure at Nuwakot.[3] Mulkaji Damodar Pande, who was the most influential among the four Kajis, was appointed after removal of Bahadur Shah. Chief Kaji (Mulkaji) Kirtiman Singh Basnyat,[7] tried to protect king Girvan Yuddha Shah and keep former king, Rana Bahadur Shah away from Nepal. However, on 4 March 1804, the former king came back and took over as Mukhtiyar (premier) and Damodar Pande was then beheaded in Thankot.[8] The 1806 Bhandarkhal massacre instigated upon the death of Rana Bahadur Shah, set forth the rise of authoritative Mukhtiyar Bhimsen Thapa,[9] who became the de facto ruler of Nepal from 1806 to 1837.[10] During the early nineteenth century, however, the expansion of the East India Company's rule in India led to the Anglo-Nepalese War (1814–1816), which resulted in Nepal's defeat. Under the Treaty of Sugauli, the kingdom retained its independence, but in exchange for territorial concessions marking the rivers Mechi and Mahakali as the boundary of Nepalese territories.[2] The territory of the kingdom before the Sugauli treaty is sometimes referred to as Greater Nepal. In the political scenario, the death of Mukhtiyar Mathbar Singh ended the Thapa hegemony and set the stage for the Kot massacre.[11] This resulted in the ascendancy of the Rana dynasty of Khas Rajput (Chhetri) and made the office of the Prime Minister of Nepal hereditary in their family for the next century, from 1843 to 1951. Beginning with Jung Bahadur, the first Rana ruler, the Rana dynasty reduced the Shah monarch to a figurehead role. Rana rule was marked by tyranny, debauchery, economic exploitation and religious persecution.[12][13]

In July 1950, the newly independent republic of India signed a friendship treaty in which both nations agreed to respect the other's sovereignty. In November of the same year, India played an important role in supporting King Tribhuhvan, whom the Rana leader Mohan Shumsher Jang Bahadur Rana had attempted to depose and replace with his infant grandson King Gyanendra. With Indian support for a new government consisting largely of the Nepali Congress, King Tribhuvan ended the Rana regime in 1951.

Unsuccessful attempts were made to implement reforms and adopt a constitution during the 1960s and 1970s. An economic crisis at the end of the 1980s led to a popular movement that brought about parliamentary elections and the adoption of a constitutional monarchy in 1990. The 1990s saw the beginning of the Nepalese Civil War (1996–2006), a conflict between government forces and the insurgent forces of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The situation for the Nepalese monarchy was further destabilised by 2001 Nepalese royal massacre. Crown Prince Dipendra reportedly shot and killed ten people, including his father King Birendra, and was himself mortally wounded by an alleged, self-inflicted gunshot.

As a result of the massacre, King Gyanendra returned to the throne. His imposition of direct rule in 2005 provoked a protest movement unifying the Maoist insurgency and pro-democracy activists. He was eventually forced to restore the House of Representatives, which in 2007 adopted an interim constitution greatly restricting the powers of the Nepalese monarchy. Following an election held the next year, the Nepalese Constituent Assembly formally abolished the kingdom in its first session on 28 May 2008, declaring the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal in its place.

Until the abolition of the monarchy, Nepal was the world's only country to have Hinduism as its state religion; since becoming a republic, the country is now formally a secular state.[14][15]

18th century


Coat of arms of the Kingdom of Nepal (1962-2008)

The country was expanded from the one of the Chaubise principality called the Gorkha Kingdom.[16] The Parbate Brahmins and the ruling Shah dynasty as well as the Chhetri aristocratic clans such as the Pande family, Basnyat family, Thapa dynasty and Kunwar family[17] (later Rana dynasty) among the Gorkhali people trace their ancestry to the Hindu Rajputs and Brahmins of Northern India who entered modern Nepal from the West following Muslim advances. The actual historical process however by which this migration took place and the history of the Gorkhalis' ultimate conquest of Nepal span a couple of centuries and are drastically different from what Chauhan[who?] proposes. More importantly, Chauhan's overall thesis claiming the existence of a Gurkha identity way before the Shahs came to the Nepali hills is not supported by historical evidence available in Nepal. In Nepal the warrior people are not referred to as 'Gurkhas', they are called 'Gorkhalis', meaning the 'inhabitants of Gorkha.' Their famed battle cry is 'Ayo Gorkhali', meaning 'the Gorkhalis have come.'[citation needed]

The etymology of the geographical name 'Gorkha' is indeed related to the Hindu mendicant-saint Gorakhnath. In the village of Gorkha is situated a temple dedicated to Gorakhnath as well as another dedicated to Gorakhkali, a corresponding female deity. The Nepali geographical encyclopedia 'Mechi dekhi Mahakali' (From Mechi to Mahakali) published in B.S. 2013 (1974-75 AD) by the authoritarian Panchayat government to mark the coronation of King Birendra Shah agrees with the association of the name of the place with the saint but does not add any further detail.[18] The facts regarding when the temples were built and the place named after the saint are lost in the sweeping winds of time. We may guess that these developments took place in the early part of the second millennium of the Common Era following the rise of the Nath sect. In fact, the pilgrimage circuit of the sect across the northern Indian sub-continent also spans a major part of present-day Nepal including Kathmandu Valley. The Newars of Medieval Nepal have a couple of important temples and festivals dedicated to the major Nath teachers. Immediately before the rule of Gorkha by the Shahs, Gorkha was inhabited by both Aryan and Mongoloid ethnic groups and ruled by the Khadkas, who were probably of Khas origin. Dravya Shah defeated the Khadkas in 1559 AD and commenced Shah rule over the principality.[18] Prithvi Narayan Shah belonged to the ninth generation of the Shahs in Gorkha. He took the reins of power in 1742 AD.[19]


The king's palace on a hill in Gorkha

King Prithvi Narayan Shah, the ruler of the small principality of Gorkha, initially drafted the Gorkhali Army.[20] The Chief of the Gorkhali Army were drawn from Chhetri noble families of Gorkha such as Pande family, Basnyat family and Thapa dynasty before the rule of the Rana dynasty.[21] However, the first civilian army chief was Kaji Kalu Pande who had significant role in the campaign of Nepal.[20] He was considered as an army head due to the undertaking of duties and responsibilities of the army but not by the formalization of the title.[20]

Battle of Nuwakot

Kaji Vamshidhar "Kalu" Pande; commander of Gorkhali forces at victorious battle of Nuwakot

The first battle by Gorkhali forces united under King Prithvi Narayan Shah was the Battle of Nuwakot. The first army commander was Kaji Kalu Pande of the Pande noble family of Gorkha. Pande put up tactics to attack Nuwakot, a strategic fort of Malla king of Kathmandu, from multiple sides by surprise. On 26 September 1744, Pande with a contingent of soldiers climbed from the northern side of Nuwakot city at Mahamandal. He led the surprise attack with a Gorkhali war cry of "Jai Kali, Jai Gorakhnath, Jai Manakamana".[22] The panicked soldiers of Nuwakot under commander Shankha Mani tried to defend but lost after their commander was killed by the 13-year-old Prince Dal Mardan Shah, brother of the king.[23] The second contingent of Gorkhali forces led by Chautariya Mahoddam Kirti Shah (also a brother of the king) passed Dharampani and faced strong tussle but ultimately won over the defenders.[23] The third part of the forces, led by the king himself, advanced to the fort of Nuwakotgadhi after the capture of Mahamandal. The soldiers panicked by death of their commander fled to Belkot from the Nuwakot fort and Nuwakot was annexed by Gorkha.[23]

Battle of Kirtipur

Gorkhali soldiers preparing war against Kathmandu Valley

Despite his initial resentment that the valley kings were well prepared and the Gorkhalis were not, Kaji Kalu Pande agreed for a battle against the kingdom of Kirtipur in the Kathmandu valley on being insisted by the king. The Gorkhalis had set up a base in Naikap to mount their assaults on Kirtipur. They were armed with swords, bows and arrows and muskets.[24] The two forces fought on the plain of Tyangla Phant in the northwest of Kirtipur. Surapratap Shah, the king's brother, lost his right eye to an arrow while scaling the city wall. The Gorkhali commander Kaji Kalu Pande was surrounded and killed, and the Gorkhali king himself narrowly escaped with his life into the surrounding hills disguised as a saint.[25][26] In 1767, King Prithvi Narayan Shah sent his army to attack Kirtipur for a third time under the command of Surapratap. In response, the three kings of the valley joined forces and sent their troops to the relief of Kirtipur, but they could not dislodge the Gorkhalis from their positions. A noble of Lalitpur named Danuvanta crossed over to Shah's side and treacherously let the Gorkhalis into the town.[5][27]

Annexation of Makwanpur & Hariharpur

King Digbardhan Sen and his minister Kanak Singh Baniya had already sent their families to safer grounds before the encirclement of their fortress. The Gorkhalis launched an attack on 21 August 1762. The battle lasted for eight hours. King Digbardhan and Kanak Singh escaped to Hariharpurgadhi. Makawanpur was thus annexed by the Gorkhali forces.[23]

After occupying the Makawanpurgadhi fort, the Gorkhali forces started planning for an attack on Hariharpurgadhi, a strategic fort on a mountain ridge of the Mahabharat range south of Kathmandu. It controlled the route to the Kathmandu valley. At the dusk of 4 October 1762, the Gorkhalis launched an attack. The soldiers at Hariharpurgadhi fought valiantly against the Gorkhali forces but were ultimately forced to vacate the Gadhi (fort) after midnight. About 500 soldiers of Hariharpur died in the battle.[23] Mir Qasim, the Nawab of Bengal extended his help to kings of Kathmandu valley with his forces to attack the Gorkhali forces. On 20 January 1763, Gorkhali commander Vamsharaj Pande won the battle against Mir Qasim.[28] Similarly, Captain Kinloch of British East India Company also extended his support by sending contingents against Gorkhalis. King Prithvi Narayan sent Kaji Vamsharaj Pande, Naahar Singh Basnyat, Jeeva Shah, Ram Krishna Kunwar and others to defeat the forces of Gurgin Khan at Makwanpur.[29][30]

Conquest of Kathmandu valley and Declaration of Kingdom of Nepal

Sardar Ram Krishna Kunwar, senior military commander of Gorkhali forces

The victory in the Battle of Kirtipur climaxed Shah's two-decade-long effort to take possession of the wealthy Kathmandu valley. After the fall of Kirtipur, Shah took over the cities of Kathmandu and Lalitpur in 1768 and Bhaktapur in 1769, completing his conquest of the valley.[5] In a letter to Ram Krishna Kunwar, King Prithvi Narayan Shah expressed his unhappiness at the death of Kaji Kalu Pande in Kirtipur and thought it was impossible to conquer Kathmandu valley after the death of Kalu Pande.[31] After the annexation of Kathmandu valley, King Prithvi Narayan Shah praised in his letter about the valour and wisdom shown by Kunwar in the annexation of Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktapur (collectively known as Nepal valley at the time).[32] Vamsharaj Pande, Kalu Pande's eldest son, was the commander of the Gorkhali forces who led the attack during the Battle of Bhaktapur on 14 April 1769.[33]

Conquest of the Kirata

Abhiman Singh Basnyat, a military commander and later Mulkaji

King Prithvi Narayan Shah had deployed Sardar Ram Krishna Kunwar to the invasion of Kirata regional areas comprising; Pallo Kirant (Limbuwan), Wallo Kirant and Majh Kirant (Khambuwan).[34] On B.S. 1829 Bhadra 13 (i.e. 29 August 1772), Kunwar crossed the Dudhkoshi river to invade King Karna Sen of the Majh Kirant (Khambuwan) and Saptari region[32] with fellow commander Abhiman Singh Basnyat.[35] He then crossed the Arun river to reach Chainpur (Limbuwan),[36] where he later achieved victory over the Kiratas.[37] King Prithvi Narayan Shah bestowed 22 pairs of Shirpau (special headgear) in appreciation to Ram Krishna Kunwar after his victory over the Kirata region.[37]

Political Conflicts

In 1775, the King Prithvi Narayan Shah, who expanded the Gorkha Kingdom into the Kingdom of Nepal, died in Nuwakot.[38] Swarup Singh Karki, a shrewd Gorkhali courtier from a Chhetri family of eastern Nepal,[39] marched with an army to Nuwakot to confine Prince Bahadur Shah who was then mourning the death of his father.[38] He confined Bahadur Shah and Dal Mardan Shah with the consent from newly reigning King Pratap Singh Shah who was considered to have no distinction of right and wrong.[38] In the annual Pajani (renewal) of that year, Swarup Singh was promoted to the position of Kaji along with Abhiman Singh Basnyat, Amar Singh Thapa and Parashuram Thapa.[38] In Falgun 1832 B.S., he succeeded in exiling Bahadur Shah, Dal Mardan Shah and Guru Gajraj Mishra on three heinous charges.[40] The reign of Pratap Singh Shah was characterized by the constant rivalry between Swarup Singh and Vamsharaj Pande.[41] The document dated B.S. 1833 Bhadra 3 Roj 6 (i.e. Friday, 2 August 1776), shows that he had carried the title of Dewan along with Vamsharaj Pande.[42] King Pratap Singh Shah died on 22 November 1777[43] with his infant son Rana Bahadur Shah succeeding as the King of Nepal.[44] Sarbajit Rana Magar was made a Kaji along with Balbhadra Shah and Vamsharaj Pande[45] while Daljit Shah was chosen as Chief Chautariya.[44][45] Historian Dilli Raman Regmi asserts that Sarbajit was chosen as Mulkaji (equivalent to Prime Minister),[44] while historian Rishikesh Shah asserts that Sarbajit was the head of the Nepalese government only for a short period in 1778.[46] Afterwards, rivalry arose between Prince Bahadur Shah and Queen Rajendra Laxmi. Sarbajit led the followers of the Queen opposed to Sriharsh Pant who led the followers of Bahadur Shah.[47] The group of Bharadars (officers) led by Sarbajit badmouthed Rajendra Laxmi against Bahadur Shah.[48] Rajendra Laxmi succeeded in the confinement of Bahadur Shah with the help of her new minister Sarbajit.[49] Guru Gajraj Mishra came to the rescue of Bahadur Shah on a condition that Bahadur Shah should leave the country.[49][50] Also, his rival Sriharsh Pant was branded outcast and expelled instead of being executed as execution was prohibited for Brahmins.[47]

Prince Bahadur Shah confined his sister-in-law Queen Rajendra Laxmi on the charge of having illicit relation with Sarbajit[51] on 31 August 1778.[43][52][53] Subsequently, Sarbajit was executed inside the palace by Bahadur Shah[54][55] with the help of male servants of the royal palace.[54] Historian Bhadra Ratna Bajracharya asserts that it was actually Chautariya Daljit Shah who led the opposing group against Sarbajit Rana and Rajendra Laxmi.[56] The letter dated B.S. 1835 Bhadra 11 Roj 4 (1778) to Narayan Malla and Vrajabasi Pande asserts the death of Sarbajit under misconduct and the appointment of Bahadur Shah as regent.[43] The death of Sarbajit Rana Magar is considered to have marked the initiation of court conspiracies and massacres in the newly unified Kingdom of Nepal.[50] Historian Baburam Acharya points that the sanctions against Queen Rajendra Laxmi under moral misconduct was a mistake of Bahadur Shah. Similarly, the murder of Sarbajit was condemned by many historians as an act of injustice.[57]

Vamsharaj Pande, once Dewan of Nepal and son of the popular commander Kalu Pande, was beheaded on the allegations of conspiring with Queen Rajendra Laxmi.[58][59] In a special tribunal meeting at Bhandarkhal garden east of Kathmandu Durbar, Swaroop Singh held Vamsharaj liable for letting the King of Parbat, Kirtibam Malla, run away in the battle a year ago.[60] He had a fiery conversation with Vamsharaj before Vamsharaj was declared guilty and was subsequently executed by beheading on the tribunal.[47] Historian Rishikesh Shah and Ganga Karmacharya claim that he was executed on March 1785,[58][59] whereas Bhadra Ratna Bajracharya and Tulsi Ram Vaidya claim that he was executed on 21 April 1785.[60][47] On 2 July 1785, Swaroop Singh's opponent Prince Regent Bahadur Shah was arrested, but on the eleventh day of imprisonment, on 13 July, Singh's only supporter Queen Rajendra Laxmi died.[58][59] Then onwards, Bahadur Shah took over the regency of his nephew King Rana Bahadur Shah[61] and as one of his first orders as the regent, he ordered Swaroop Singh, who was then in Pokhara, to be beheaded there[62][63] on the charges of treason.[64] Singh had gone to Kaski to join Daljit Shah's military campaign of Kaski fearing retaliation of the old courtiers due to his conspiracy against Vamsharaj. He was executed on B.S. 1842 Shrawan 24.[62]

Tibetan conflict

After the death of Prithvi Narayan Shah, the Shah dynasty began to expand their kingdom into what is present-day North India. Between 1788 and 1791, Nepal invaded Tibet and robbed Tashi Lhunpo Monastery of Shigatse. Tibet sought Chinese help and the Qianlong Emperor of the Chinese Qing Dynasty appointed Fuk'anggan commander-in-chief of the Tibetan campaign. Heavy damages were inflicted on both sides. The Nepali forces retreated step by step back to Nuwakot to stretch Sino-Tibetan forces uncomfortably. Chinese launched an uphill attack during the daylight and failed to succeed due to a strong counterattack with khukuri at Nuwakot.[3] The Chinese army suffered a major setback when they tried to cross a monsoon-flooded Betrawati, close to the Gorkhali palace in Nuwakot.[65] A stalemate ensued when Fuk'anggan was keen to protect his troops and wanted to negotiate at Nuwakot. The treaty was favouring more to Chinese side where Nepal had to send tributes to the Chinese emperor.[3]

19th century

Dominance of Damodar Pande

Damodar Pande, Mulkaji of Nepal from the Pande aristocratic family

Damodar Pande was appointed as one of the four Kajis by King Rana Bahadur Shah after the removal of Chautariya Bahadur Shah in 1794.[7] Pande was the most influential and dominant amongst the court factions in spite of the post of Mulkaji being held by Kirtiman Singh Basnyat.[7] Pandes were the most dominant noble family. Later due to the continuous irrational behaviour of King Rana Bahadur Shah, a situation of civil war arose where Damodar was the main opposition to the King.[66] He was forced to flee to the British-controlled city of Varanasi in May 1800 after the military parted with influential Kaji Damodar Pande.[67][68] After Queen Rajrajeshwari finally managed to assume the regency on 17 December 1802,[69][70] later in February she appointed Damodar Pande as the Mulkaji.[71]

After Rana Bahadur's reinstatement to power, he ordered Damodar Pande, along with his two eldest sons, who were completely innocent, to be executed on 13 March 1804; similarly, some members of his faction were tortured and executed without any due trial, while many others managed to escape to India. Among those who managed to escape to India were Damodar Pande's sons Karbir Pande and Rana Jang Pande.[72][72][73] After Damodar Pande's execution, Ranajit Pande who was his paternal cousin, was appointed Mulkaji along with Bhimsen Thapa as second Kaji, Sher Bahadur Shah as Mul Chautariya and Ranganath Paudel as Raj Guru (Royal Preceptor).[74][75]

Thapa Regime

Mukhtiyar Bhimsen Thapa, founder of Khas Thapa dynasty

Thapa courtiers, who were Khas Kshatriya, rose to power when the King Rana Bahadur Shah was murdered by his half brother Sher Bahadur Shah in 1806.[76] Bhimsen Thapa (1775–1839), the leading Thapa Kaji, taking opportunity of the occasion massacred nearly 55 military and civil officers and catapulting the Thapas into the power.[76] He took the title of Mukhtiyar succeeding Rana Bahadur as the chief authority and his niece Queen Tripurasundari as Queen Regent of junior King Girvan Yuddha Bikram Shah.[77]

Anglo-Gurkha War

Territories lost by Nepal after the Treaty of Sugauli

Rivalry between Nepal and the East India Company—over the princely states bordering Nepal and India—eventually led to the Anglo-Nepalese War (1814–16). The Treaty of Sugauli was signed in 1816, ceding large parts of the Nepali territories of the Terai and Sikkim, which accounted to nearly one-third of the country, to the British in exchange for Nepalese autonomy. As the territories were not restored to Nepal by the British when freedom was granted to the people of British India, most of these lands later became a part of the Republic of India. Sikkim remained independent until annexed into India in 1975 when it becomes the 22nd state of the Republic of India. However, in 1860 the British returned the authority over some of Nepal's land in the Terai back to Nepal (known as Naya Muluk, new country) as an act of gratitude for supporting Britain during various Indian uprisings, such as the Sepoy mutiny.

Rana Regime

Maharaja of Kaski and Lamjung and Prime Minister of Nepal Chandra Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana and his 8 sons who were one of the most powerful factions of Ranas of Nepal

Factionalism among the royal family led to a period of instability after the war. In 1846, Queen Rajya Lakshmi Devi plotted to overthrow Jang Bahadur Rana, a fast-rising military leader who was presenting a threat to her power. The plot was uncovered and the queen had several hundred princes and chieftains executed after an armed clash between military personnel and administrators loyal to the queen. This came to be known as the Kot Massacre. However, Jung Bahadur emerged victorious eventually and founded the Rana dynasty; the monarch was made a titular figure, and the post of Prime Minister was made powerful and hereditary, held by the Ranas.

Third Nepalese Tibet War

Jung Bahadur Rana sent forces under his brothers Bam Bahadur Kunwar and Dhir Shamsher Rana to attack Tibet again to achieve complete victory. His forces succeeded in defeating Tibetan forces on two sides. The Tibetan team arrived on January 1856 to sign a treaty. After a month, the Treaty of Thapathali was signed which was more favourable to Nepal.[3]

20th century

Rani (Queen) of Nepal surrounded by her Ladies-in-Waiting, 1920

Nepal and the British

The Rana regime, a tightly centralized autocracy, pursued a policy of isolating Nepal from external influences. This policy helped Nepal maintain its national independence during the British colonial era, but it also impeded the country's economic development and modernisation. The Ranas were staunchly pro-British and assisted the British during the Indian Rebellion of 1857 and later in both World Wars. At the same time, despite Chinese claims, the British supported Nepalese independence at the beginning of the twentieth century.[78]

In December 1923, Britain and Nepal formally signed a treaty of perpetual peace and friendship superseding the Sugauli Treaty of 1816 and upgrading the British resident in Kathmandu to an envoy. Slavery was abolished in Nepal in 1924.[79]

Democratic reform

Popular dissatisfaction against the family rule of the Ranas had started emerging from among the few educated people, who had studied in various Indian schools and colleges, and also from within the Ranas, many of whom were marginalised within the ruling Rana hierarchy. Many of these Nepalese in exile had actively taken part in the Indian Independence struggle and wanted to liberate Nepal as well from the internal autocratic Rana occupation. The political parties such as the Praja Parishad and Nepali Congress were already formed in exile by leaders such as B.P. Koirala, Ganesh Man Singh, Subarna Shamsher Rana, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Girija Prasad Koirala and many other patriotic-minded Nepalis who urged the military and popular political movement in Nepal to overthrow the autocratic Rana Regime. Among the prominent martyrs to die for the cause, executed at the hands of the Ranas, were Dharma Bhakta Mathema, Shukraraj Shastri, Gangalal Shrestha and Dasharath Chand. This turmoil culminated in King Tribhuvan, a direct descendant of Prithvi Narayan Shah, fleeing from his 'palace prison' in 1950, to the newly independent India, touching off an armed revolt against the Rana administration. This eventually ended in the return of the Shah family to power and the appointment of a non-Rana as prime minister. A period of the quasi-constitutional rule followed, during which the monarch, assisted by the leaders of fledgling political parties, governed the country. During the 1950s, efforts were made to frame a constitution for Nepal that would establish a representative form of government, based on a British model.

In early 1959, Tribhuvan's son King Mahendra issued a new constitution, and the first democratic elections for a national assembly were held. The Nepali Congress, a moderate socialist group, gained a substantial victory in the election. Its leader, B.P. Koirala, formed a government and served as prime minister. After a period of power wrangling between the king and the elected government, Mahendra dissolved the democratic experiment in 1960.

King Mahendra's new constitution

Declaring the contemporary parliament a failure, King Mahendra in 1960 dismissed the Koirala government, declared that a "partyless" Panchayat system would govern Nepal, and promulgated another new constitution on 16 December 1962.

Subsequently, the Prime Minister, members of parliament and hundreds of democratic activists were arrested. In fact, this trend of the arrest of political activists and democratic supporters continued for the entire 30-year period of the partyless Panchayat system under King Mahendra and then his son, King Birendra.

The new constitution established a "partyless" system of panchayats (councils), which King Mahendra considered to be a democratic form of government, closer to Nepalese traditions. As a pyramidal structure, progressing from village assemblies to a Rastriya Panchayat (National Parliament), the panchayat system constitutionalised the absolute power of the monarchy and kept the King as head of state with sole authority over all governmental institutions, including the cabinet (council of ministers) and the parliament. One-state-one-language became the national policy, and all other languages suffered at the cost of the official language, Nepali, which was the king's language.

King Mahendra was succeeded by his 27-year-old son, King Birendra, in 1972. Amid student demonstrations and anti-regime activities in 1979, King Birendra called for a national referendum to decide on the nature of Nepal's government: either the continuation of the panchayat system with democratic reforms or the establishment of a multiparty system. The referendum was held in May 1980, and the Panchayat system won a narrow victory. The king carried out the promised reforms, including a selection of the prime minister by the Rashtriya Panchayat.

End of Panchayat system

There was resentment against the authoritarian regime and the curbs on the freedom of the political parties. There was a widespread feeling of the palace being non-representative of the masses, especially when the Marich Man Singh government faced political scandals on charges of misappropriation of funds allotted for the victims of the earthquake in August 1998 or when it reshuffled the cabinet instead of investigating the deaths of the people in a stampede in the national sports complex in a hailstorm. Also, the souring of the India-Nepal trade relations affected the popularity of the Singh government.

In April 1987, Nepal had introduced the work permit for Indian workers in three of its districts, and in early 1989, Nepal provided 40% duty concession to Chinese goods and later withdrew duty concessions from Indian goods in such a manner that the Chinese goods became cheaper than the Indian goods. This led to the souring of relations which were already strained over the purchase of Chinese arms by Nepal in 1988. India refused to renew two separate Treaties of Trade and Transit and insisted on a single treaty dealing with the two issues, which was not acceptable to Nepal. A deadlock ensued and the Treaties of Trade and Transit expired on 23 March 1989. The brunt of the closure of the trade and transit points was mainly faced by the lower classes in Nepal due to the restricted supply of consumer goods and petroleum products such as petrol, aviation fuel and kerosene. The industries suffered because of their dependence on India for resources, trade and transit. The Government of Nepal tried to deal with the situation by depending on foreign aid from the US, UK, Australia and China. However, the government's strategy to manage the crisis could not satisfy those people who desired negotiations with India rather than dependence on foreign aid as a solution.[citation needed]

Taking advantage of the uneasiness amongst some people against the government and the strained India-Nepal relations, the Nepali Congress (NC) and the left-wing parties blamed the government for perpetuating the crisis and not taking any serious measures to solve it. In December 1989, the NC tried to utilize B.P. Koirala's anniversary by launching a people's awareness program. The left-wing alliance known as the United Left Front (ULF) extended its support to the NC in its campaign for a party system. On 18–19 January 1990, the NC held a conference in which leaders from various countries and members of the foreign Press were invited. Leaders from India attended the conference; Germany, Japan, Spain, Finland supported the movement; and the Embassies of the US and West Germany were present on the occasion. Inspired by the international support and the democratic movements occurring throughout the world after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1989, the NC and the ULF launched a mass movement on 18 February to end the Panchayat regime and the installation of an interim government represented by various parties and people.[citation needed]

On 6 April the Marich Man Singh government was dismissed and Lokendra Bahadur Chand became the Prime Minister on the same day. However, the agitating mob was not satisfied with the change of government as they were not against the Singh government per se but against the party-less system. On 16 April the Chand government was also dismissed and a Royal Proclamation was issued the next day which dissolved the National Panchayat, the Panchayat policy and the evaluation committee and the class organizations. Instead, the proclamation declared "functioning of the political parties" and maintained that "all political parties will always keep the national interest uppermost in organizing themselves according to their political ideology."[citation needed]

During this protest many civilians were killed: after the end of the Panchayat rule they were seen as 'undeclared martyrs'. One of those martyrs is Ram Chandra Hamal, a member of the Nepali Congress and killed during his imprisonment.[80]

1990 People's Movement

People in rural areas had expected that their interests would be better represented after the adoption of parliamentary democracy in 1990. The Nepali Congress with the support of "Alliance of leftist parties" decided to launch a decisive agitational movement, Jana Andolan, which forced the monarchy to accept constitutional reforms and to establish a multiparty parliament. In May 1991, Nepal held its first parliamentary elections in nearly 50 years. The Nepali Congress won 110 of the 205 seats and formed the first elected government in 32 years.

Civil strife

In 1992, in a situation of economic crisis and chaos, with spiraling prices as a result of the implementation of changes in the policy of the new Congress government, the radical left stepped up their political agitation. A Joint People's Agitation Committee was set up by the various groups.[81] A general strike was called for 6 April.

Violent incidents began to occur on the evening before the strike. The Joint People's Agitation Committee had called for a 30-minute 'lights out' in the capital, and violence erupted outside Bir Hospital when activists tried to enforce the 'lights out'. At dawn on 6 April, clashes between strike activists and police, outside a police station in Pulchok (Patan), left two activists dead.

Later in the day, a mass rally of the Agitation Committee at Tundikhel in the capital Kathmandu was attacked by police forces. As a result, riots broke out and the Nepal Telecommunications building was set on fire; police opened fire at the crowd, killing several persons. The Human Rights Organisation of Nepal estimated that 14 persons, including several onlookers, had been killed in police firing.[82]

When promised land reforms failed to appear, people in some districts started to organize to enact their own land reform and to gain some power over their lives in the face of usurious landlords. However, this movement was repressed by the Nepali government, in Operation Romeo and Operation Kilo Sera II, which took the lives of many of the leading activists of the struggle. As a result, many witnesses to this repression became radicalised.

Nepalese Civil War

In February 1996, one of the Maoist parties started a bid to replace the parliamentary monarchy with a people's new democratic republic, through a Maoist revolutionary strategy known as the people's war, which led to the Nepalese Civil War. Led by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai and Pushpa Kamal Dahal (better known by his nom de guerre "Prachanda"), the insurgency began in five districts in Nepal: Rolpa, Rukum, Jajarkot, Gorkha, and Sindhuli. The Maoists declared the existence of a provisional "people's government" at the district level in several locations.

21st century

Palace massacre

The Narayanhiti Palace where the royal massacre occurred

On 1 June 2001, Crown Prince Dipendra allegedly went on a shooting-spree, assassinating 9 members of the royal family, including King Birendra and Queen Aishwarya, before shooting himself. Due to his survival, he temporarily became king before dying of his wounds, after which Prince Gyanendra (Birendra's brother) inherited the throne, according to tradition. The massacre shattered the aura of mythology that still surrounded the Royal Family, exposing their far too human intrigues.

Meanwhile, the Maoist rebellion escalated, and in October 2002 the king temporarily deposed the government and took complete control of it.[83] A week later he reappointed another government, but the country was still very unstable because of the civil war with the Maoists, the various clamouring political factions, the king's attempts to take more control of the government, and worries about the competence of Gyanendra's son and heir, Prince Paras.

Suspension of responsible government

In the face of unstable governments and a Maoist siege on the Kathmandu Valley in August 2004, popular support for the monarchy began to wane. On 1 February 2005, Gyanendra dismissed the entire government and took to exercising his executive powers without ministerial advice, declaring a "state of emergency" to quash the Maoist movement. Politicians were placed under house arrest, phone and internet lines were cut, and freedom of the press was severely curtailed.

2006 democracy movement

The king's new regime made little progress in his stated aim of suppressing the insurgents. The European Union described the municipal elections of February 2006 as "a backward step for democracy", as the major parties boycotted the election and the army forced some candidates to run for office.[84] In April 2006 strikes and street protests in Kathmandu forced the king to reinstate the parliament. A seven-party coalition resumed control of the government and stripped the king of most of his powers. As of 15 January 2007, a unicameral legislature under an interim constitution governed Nepal.

Abolition of the monarchy

The Constituent Assembly came to fruition on 24 December 2007 when it was announced that the monarchy would be abolished in 2008 after the Constituent Assembly elections;[85] and on 28 May 2008, Nepal was declared a Federal Democratic Republic.


Topographic map of Nepal
The arid and barren Himalayan landscape

The Kingdom of Nepal was of roughly trapezoidal shape, 800 kilometres (500 mi) long and 200 kilometres (125 mi) wide, with an area of 147,181 square kilometres (56,827 sq mi). Nepal was commonly divided into three physiographic areas: the Mountain, Hill, and Terai Regions. These ecological belts run east-west and are bisected by Nepal's major river systems. The kingdom was roughly the same size as the U.S. state of Arkansas or the country of England.

The Madhesi Plains bordering India are part of the northern rim of the Indo-Gangetic plains. They were formed and are fed by three major rivers: the Koshi, the Narayani (Gandak River), and the Karnali. This region has a hot, humid climate.

The Hill Region (Pahad) abuts the mountains and varies from 1,000 to 4,000 metres (3,300–13,125 ft) in altitude. Two low mountain ranges, the Mahabharat Lekh and Shiwalik Range (also called the Churia Range) dominate the region. The hilly belt includes the Kathmandu Valley, the country's most fertile and urbanised area. Unlike the valleys Called Inner Tarai (Bhitri Tarai Uptyaka) elevations above 2,500 metres (8,200 ft) are sparsely populated.

The Mountain Region contains the highest region in the world. The world's highest mountain, Mount Everest (Sagarmatha in Nepali) at 8,850 metres (29,035 ft) is located on the border with China. Eight more of the world's ten highest mountains are located in Nepal: Lhotse, Makalu, Cho Oyu, Kanchenjunga, Dhaulagiri, Annapurna and Manaslu. Deforestation is a major problem in all regions, with resulting erosion and degradation of ecosystems.

Nepal has five climatic zones, broadly corresponding to altitude. The tropical and subtropical zones lie below 1,200 metres (3,940 ft), the temperate zone 1,200 to 2,400 metres (3,900–7,875 ft), the cold zone 2,400 to 3,600 metres (7,875–11,800 ft), the subarctic zone 3,600 to 4,400 metres (11,800–14,400 ft), and the Arctic zone above 4,400 metres (14,400 ft). Nepal experiences five seasons: summer, monsoon, autumn, winter and spring. The Himalaya blocks cold winds from Central Asia in winter, and forms the northern limit of the monsoon wind patterns.

Although Nepal shares no boundary with Bangladesh, the two countries are separated by a narrow strip of land about 21 kilometres (13 mi) wide, called the Chicken's Neck. Efforts are underway to make this area a free-trade zone.

Situated in the Great Himalayan Range in the northern part of Nepal, Mount Everest has the highest altitude of any mountain in the world. Technically, the south-east ridge on the Nepali side of the mountain is easier to climb, so most climbers travel to Everest through Nepal. The Annapurna mountain range also lies in Nepal.

Zones, districts, and regions

Nepalese zones

Nepal was divided into 14 zones and 75 districts, grouped into 5 development regions. Each district was headed by a fixed chief district officer responsible for maintaining law and order and coordinating the work of field agencies of the various government ministries. The 14 zones are:


Terraced farming on the foothills of the Himalayas

Agriculture sustains 76% of the population and accounts for about 39% of the GDP; services comprise 41%, and industry 22%. Nepal remains isolated from the world's major land, air and sea transport routes though air traffic is frequent. Hilly and mountainous terrain in the northern two-thirds of the country has made the building of roads and other infrastructure difficult and expensive. There were just over 8,500 km of paved roads, and one 59 km railway line in the south in 2003. There is only one reliable road route from India to the Kathmandu Valley. The only practical seaport of entry for goods bound for Kathmandu is Kolkata in India. Internally, the poor state of development of the road system (22 of 75 administrative districts lack road links) makes volume distribution unrealistic.

Aviation is in a better state, with 48 airports, ten of them with paved runways. There is less than one telephone per 19 people; landline telephone services are not adequate nationwide but concentrated in cities and district headquarters; mobile telephony is in a reasonable state in most parts of the country with increased accessibility and affordability. There were around 175,000 Internet connections in 2005, but after the imposition of the "state of emergency", intermittent losses of service were reported. Uninterrupted Internet connections have resumed after the brief period of confusion as Nepal's second major people's revolution took place to overthrow the King's absolute power.[86]

Its landlocked location and[87] technological backwardness and the long-running civil war have also prevented Nepal from fully developing its economy. The country receives foreign aid from India, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, the European Union, China, Switzerland, and Scandinavian countries. The government's budget is about US$1.153 billion, with expenditures of $1.789bn (FY05/06). The inflation rate has dropped to 2.9% after a period of higher inflation during the 1990s. The Nepali Rupee has been tied to the Indian Rupee at an exchange rate of 1.6 for many years. Since the loosening of exchange rate controls in the early 1990s, the black market for foreign exchange has all but disappeared. A long-standing economic agreement underpins a close relationship with India.

The distribution of wealth among the Nepali is consistent with that in many developed and developing countries: the highest 10% of households control 39.1% of the national wealth and the lowest 10% control only 2.6%.

Nepal's workforce of about 10 million suffers from a severe shortage of skilled labour. Agriculture employs 81% of the workforce, services 16% and manufacturing/craft-based industry 3%. Agricultural produce—mostly grown in the Terai region bordering India—includes rice, corn, wheat, sugarcane, root crops, milk, and water buffalo meat. The industry mainly involves the processing of agricultural produce, including jute, sugarcane, tobacco, and grain. The spectacular landscape and deep, exotic culture of Nepal represent considerable potential for tourism, but growth in this export industry has been stifled by recent political events. The rate of unemployment and underemployment approaches half of the working-age population. Thus many Nepali citizens move to India in search of work, the Gulf countries and Malaysia being new sources of work. Poverty is acute.[88] Nepal receives US$50 million a year through the Gurkha soldiers who serve in the Indian and British armies and are highly esteemed for their skill and bravery. The total remittance value is worth around US$1 billion, including money sent from Persian Gulf and Malaysia, who combined employ around 700,000 Nepali citizens.

Nepal's GDP for the year 2005 is estimated at just over US$39 billion (adjusted to Purchasing Power Parity), making it the 83rd-largest economy in the world. Per-capita income is less than US$300. Nepal's exports of mainly carpets, clothing, leather goods, jute goods and grain total $822 million. Import commodities of mainly gold, machinery and equipment, petroleum products and fertilizer total US$2 bn. India (53.7%), the US (17.4%), and Germany (7.1%) are its main export partners. Nepal's import partners include India (47.5%), the United Arab Emirates (11.2%), China (10.7%), Saudi Arabia (4.9%), and Singapore (4%).[89]

Government and politics

Until 1990, Nepal was an absolute monarchy running under the executive control of the king. Faced with a people's movement against the absolute monarchy, King Birendra, in 1990, agreed to large-scale political reforms by creating a parliamentary monarchy with the king as the head of state and a prime minister as the head of the government.

Nepal's legislature was bicameral consisting of a House of Representatives and a National Council. The House of Representatives consists of 205 members directly elected by the people. The National Council had sixty members, ten nominated by the king, thirty-five elected by the House of Representatives and the remaining fifteen elected by an electoral college made up of chairs of villages and towns. The legislature had a five-year term but was dissolvable by the king before its term could end. All Nepali citizens 18 years and older became eligible to vote.

The executive comprised the King and the Council of Ministers (the Cabinet). The leader of the coalition or party securing the maximum seats in an election was appointed as the Prime Minister. The Cabinet was appointed by the king on the recommendation of the Prime Minister. Governments in Nepal have tended to be highly unstable; no government has survived for more than two years since 1991, either through internal collapse or parliamentary dissolution by the monarch on the recommendation of the prime minister according to the constitution.

The movement in April 2006 brought about a change in the nation. The autocratic King was forced to give up power. The dissolved House of Representatives was restored. The House of Representatives formed a government that had successful peace talks with the Maoist Rebels. An interim constitution was promulgated and an interim House of Representatives was formed with Maoist members. The number of seats was also increased to 330. The peace process in Nepal made a giant leap in April 2007, when the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) joined the interim government of Nepal. The peace process seems to be in jeopardy after Maoists decided to leave the coalition government on 18 September 2007, demanding the declaration of a republic before the scheduled constituent assembly.

Military and foreign affairs

The outpost of Naamche Bazaar in the Khumbu region close to Mount Everest. The town is built on terraces in what resembles a giant Greek amphitheatre.

Nepal's military consists of the Nepalese Army which includes the Nepalese Army Air Service (the air force unit under it). The Nepalese Police Force is the civilian police and the Armed Police Force Nepal[90] is the paramilitary force. Service is voluntary and the minimum age for enlistment is 18 years. Nepal spends $99.2 million (2004) on its military—1.5% of its GDP. Most of the equipment and arms are supplied by India.[1]

Nepal has close ties with both of its neighbours, India and China. In accordance with a long-standing treaty, Indian and Nepalese citizens may travel to each other's countries without a passport or visa. Nepalese citizens may work in India without legal restriction. Although Nepal and India typically have close ties, from time to time Nepal becomes caught up in the problematic Sino-Indian relationship. India considers Nepal as part of its realm of influence, and views Chinese aid with concern. Some Indians consider Nepal to be part of a greater pan-Indian state, an attitude that has caused Nepalese antagonism towards India. In 2005, after King Gyanendra took over, Nepalese relations with India, the US, and the UK worsened. These three foreign countries were vociferous opponents to the crackdown on civil liberties in Nepal.


Nepal has a total population of 27,676,547 as of July 2005, with a growth rate of 2.2%. 39% of the population is up to 14 years old, 57.3% are aged between 15 and 64, and 3.7% above 65. The median age is 20.07 (19.91 for males and 20.24 for females). There are 1,060 males for every 1,000 females. Life expectancy is 59.8 years (60.9 for males and 59.5 for females). Total literacy rate is 53.74% (68.51% for males and 42.49% for females).

Groups are the Brahman-Hill 12.5%, Magar 7%, Tharu 6.6%, Tamang 5.5%, Newar 5.4%, Kami 3.9%, Yadav 3.9%, other 32.7%, Nepali White 2.8%. Nepali is the national language with 47.8% of the population speaking it as their first language. Other languages include Maithili 12.1%, Bhojpuri 7.4%, Tharu (Dagaura/Rana) 5.8%, Tamang 5.1%, Nepal Bhasa 3.6%, Magar 3.3%, Awadhi 2.4%, other 10%, unspecified 2.5%. Differences between Hindus and Buddhists have been in general very subtle and academic in nature due to the intermingling of Hindu and Buddhist beliefs. Both share common temples and worship common deities and many of Nepal's Hindus could also be regarded as Buddhists and vice versa.[91] Gurkhas are from Nepal. Buddhism was relatively more common among the Newar. Among the other natives of Nepal, those most influenced by Hinduism were the Magar, Sunwar, Limbu and Rai. Hindu influence is less prominent among the Gurung, Bhutia, and Thakali groups, who employ Buddhist monks for their religious ceremonies.[86][92]

The northern mountains are sparsely populated. A majority of the population live in the central highland despite the migration of a significant section of the population to the fertile Terai belt in recent years. Kathmandu, with a population of around 800,000 (Metropolitan area: 1,5 million) is the largest city in the country.


A priest wearing a cultural Dhaka topi and Tilak at Kathmandu

Nepalese culture is diverse and it reflects people of different ethnic origins. A typical Nepalese meal is dal-bhat, a kind of a lentil soup served with rice and vegetables. However, the Newar community has its own unique cuisine. It consists of non-vegetarian and vegetarian items as well as alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages. Mustard oil and a host of spices, such as cumin, sesame seeds, turmeric, garlic, ginger, methi (fenugreek), bay leaves, cloves, cinnamon, pepper, chili, mustard seeds, vinegar, etc. are used in cooking. The cuisine served in the festivals is considered the best diet cuisine.

Folklore is an integral part of Nepalese society. Traditional stories are rooted in the reality of day-to-day life—tales of love, affection, battles, and demons and ghosts; they reflect and explain local lifestyles, cultures and belief systems. Many Nepalese folktales are enacted in dance and music. The Newar community is very rich in cultural diversity. Most of the festivals observed in the Kathmandu valley are in the Newar community. The Newars are also well known for their music and dance. The Newar Music consists mainly of percussion instruments. Wind instruments such as flutes and similar instruments are also used. String instruments are very rare. There are songs pertaining to particular seasons and festivals. Paahan chare music is most probably the fastest played music whereas the Dapa the slowest. The dhimay music is the loudest one. There are certain musical instruments such as Dhimay and Bhusya which are played as instrumental only and are not accompanied by songs. The Newar Dance can be broadly classified as masked dance and dance without the use of masks. The most representative of Newari dance is Lakhey dance. Almost all the settlements of Newar have Lakhey dance at least once a year. Almost all of these Lakhey dances are held in the Goonlaa month. So, they are called Goonlaa Lakhey. However, the most famous Lakhey dance is the Majipa Lakhey dance. It is performed by the Ranjitkars of Kathmandu. The dance takes place for a week during the week containing the full moon of Yenlaa month. The Lakhey are considered the saviors of children. Likewise, in hills people enjoy their own kind of music, playing sarangi (string instrument), madal and flute. They also have many popular folk songs like lok geet and lok dohari.

The Nepali year begins in mid-April and is divided into 12 months. Saturday is the official weekly holiday. Main holidays include the National Day (birthday of the king) 28 December, Prithvi Jayanti, (11 January), and Martyr's Day (18 February) and a mix of Hindu and Buddhist festivals such as dashai in autumn, and tihar late autumn. During Tihar, the Newar community celebrates its New Year as per the local calendar (Nepal Sambat).

Most houses in rural Nepal are made up of a tight bamboo framework with mud and cow-dung walls. These dwellings remain cool in summers and retain warmth in winters. Dwellings in higher latitudes are mostly timber-based.


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  1. ^ King Prithvi Narayan Shah self proclaimed the newly unified Kingdom of Nepal as Asal Hindustan ("Real Land of Hindus") due to North India being ruled by the Islamic Mughal rulers. The self proclamation was done to enforce Hindu social code Dharmashastra over his reign and refer to his country as being inhabitable for Hindus. He also referred Northern India as Mughlan (Country of Mughals) and called the region infiltrated by Muslim foreigners.[4]

Further reading

Garzilli, Enrica, "A Sanskrit Letter Written by Sylvain Lévi in 1923 to Hemarāja Śarmā Along With Some Hitherto Unknown Biographical Notes (Cultural Nationalism and Internationalism in the First Half of the 21st Cent.: Famous Indologists Write to the Raj Guru of Nepal – no. 1), in Commemorative Volume for 30 Years of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project. Journal of the Nepal Research Centre, XII (2001), Kathmandu, ed. by A. Wezler in collaboration with H. Haffner, A. Michaels, B. Kölver, M. R. Pant and D. Jackson, pp. 115–149.

  • Garzilli, Enrica, "Strage a palazzo, movimento dei Maoisti e crisi di governabilità in Nepal", in Asia Major 2002, pp. 143–160.
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "Il nuovo Stato del Nepal: il difficile cammino dalla monarchia assoluta alla democrazia", in Asia Major 2005-2006, pp. 229–251.
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "Il Nepal da monarchia a stato federale", in Asia Major 2008, pp. 163–181.
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "La fine dell'isolamento del Nepal, la costruzione della sua identità politica e delle sue alleanze regionali" in ISPI: Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionali, CVII (Nov. 2008), pp. 1–7;
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "Le elezioni dell'Assemblea Costituente e i primi mesi di governo della Repubblica Democratica Federale del Nepal", in Asia Maior 2010, pp. 115–126.
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "Nepal, la difficile costruzione della nazione: un paese senza Costituzione e un parlamento senza primo ministro", in Asia Maior 2011, pp. 161–171.
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "The Interplay between Gender, Religion and Politics, and the New Violence against Women in Nepal", in J. Dragsbæk Schmidt and T. Roedel Berg (eds.), Gender, Social Change and the Media: Perspective from Nepal, University of Aalborg and Rawat Publications, Aalborg-Jaipur: 2012, pp. 27–91.
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "Nepal, stallo politico e lentezze nella realizzazione del processo di pace e di riconciliazione", in Asia Maior 2012, pp. 213–222.
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "A Sanskrit Letter Written by Sylvain Lévy in 1925 to Hemarāja Śarmā along with Some Hitherto Unknown Biographical Notes (Cultural Nationalism and Internationalism in the First Half of the 20th Century – Famous Indologists write to the Raj Guru of Nepal – No. 2)", in History of Indological Studies. Papers of the 12th World Sanskrit Conference Vol. 11.2, ed. by K. Karttunen, P. Koskikallio and A. Parpola, Motilal Banarsidass and University of Helsinki, Delhi 2015, pp. 17–53.
  • Garzilli, Enrica, "Nepal 2013-2014: Breaking the Political Impasse", in Asia Maior 2014, pp. 87–98.
  • Wright, Daniel, History of Nepal. New Delhi-Madras, Asian Educational Services, 1990

  • Coordinates: 27°42′N 85°19′E / 27.700°N 85.317°E / 27.700; 85.317

    18 October 2007

    A suicide attack on a motorcade carrying former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto kills 139 and wounds 450 more. Bhutto herself was uninjured.

    2007 Karsaz bombing
    LocationKarachi, Pakistan
    Date18 October 2007
    TargetBenazir Bhutto and her supporters
    Attack type
    Suicide attack, bomb

    The Karsaz bombing attack occurred on 18 October 2007 in Karachi, Pakistan, it was an attack on a motorcade carrying former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. The bombing occurred two months before she was assassinated. The bombing resulted in at least 180 deaths and 500 injuries.[1][2][3][4][5] Most of the dead were members of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).

    The bombing

    The streets of Karachi ground to a halt to welcome the return of Benazir Bhutto, after an eight-year self-imposed exile during which she lived in Dubai and London. Two explosions occurred in front of the rallying truck from which she greeted her supporters and party members at approximately 00:52 PST, on the route about halfway from the airport to the tomb of Muhammad Ali Jinnah for a scheduled rally, just after Bhutto's truck had crossed a bridge.[6] Police vehicles bore the brunt of the blasts, which completely destroyed three police vans and killed at least 20 policemen in the vehicles.[7] Conflicting reports indicate that Bhutto, who was not injured in the attack, was either sitting on top of the truck[5] or had just climbed into the compartment of the truck at the time of the explosion.

    Bhutto was escorted to her residence, . The victims were rushed to Jinnah Hospital, Liaquat National Hospital, Civil Hospital and Abbasi Shaheed Hospital. In a press conference on 19 October 2007, Bhutto said that her security team were unable to prevent the attack because of the streetlights being turned off, and called for an inquiry into why this happened.[2]

    On 20 October, authorities released a photograph of the suspect responsible for the suicide attack. On 23 October, Pakistani Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz rejected Pakistan Peoples Party's demand for a probe into the suicide blast by foreign experts, expressing confidence that Pakistani law-enforcement agencies can probe in a very objective manner.[citation needed]

    In the immediate aftermath of the attempt on her life, Bhutto wrote a letter to General Pervez Musharraf naming four persons whom she suspected of engineering the attacks. Careful not to name Musharraf himself, she chose to name senior military officials and politicians in Musharraf's regime instead, including Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi, a rival PML-Q politician and the then chief minister of the province of Punjab, Hamid Gul, former director of the Inter-Services Intelligence agency, and Ijaz Shah, director general of the Intelligence Bureau, another premier military intelligence agency on Pakistan.[citation needed] Musharraf's regime blamed terrorist organisations such as Al-Qaeda and elements of the Taliban in Pakistan instead.[citation needed]

    Al-Qaeda's chief of operations for Pakistan, Fahid Mohammed Ally Msalam, was believed to be behind the attack. He was killed in a drone strike in Pakistan along with his lieutenant, Sheikh Ahmed Salim Swedan, on 1 January 2009.[8][9]

    Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan leader Baitullah Mehsud was also implicated in the attack. He was killed in a drone strike in Pakistan in August 2009.[10][11]



    • President Pervez Musharraf called the attacks a "conspiracy against democracy".[5]
    • Benazir Bhutto: "It is dignitaries of the former regime of General Zia who are today behind the extremism and the fanaticism."[12]
    • Asif Ali Zardari, Benazir Bhutto's husband: "I blame the government for these blasts. It is the work of the intelligence agencies."[13]
    • Fatima Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto's niece: "She insisted on this grand show, she bears a responsibility for these deaths and for these injuries."[14]

    Other countries

    •  Australia: Prime Minister John Howard said "It's too early to be certain but it looks very much like the work of al-Qaeda. Benazir Bhutto, to her credit, as well as General Musharraf, have both said they will continue to support the Americans in the War on Terrorism," he said. "It is a reminder of the evil of al-Qaeda. It is a reminder of how important it is not to concede a victory to them in Iraq or in Afghanistan.[15]
    •  Canada: Maxime Bernier, minister of foreign affairs, said the bombings were "an appalling act of violence", and urged "all parties in Pakistan to adhere to the rule of law and to continue to build the conditions for free and fair parliamentary elections"[16]
    •  France: President Nicolas Sarkozy "condemned the attack which targeted Benazir Bhutto and which left numerous victims. He sent France's condolences and his sympathy to the president and to the political authorities in Pakistan as well as to the families of the victims."[17]
    •  India: Manmohan Singh, the Prime Minister of India strongly condemned the assassination attempt on Bhutto and conveyed his condolences on the involved loss of life.[18] While Singh's separate letters to Bhutto and Pervez Musharraf condemned "terrorism and extremism in all its forms", the leader of the opposition in the Lok Sabha, Lal Kishan Advani, rang up Bhutto to personally express his solidarity with her. India's foreign ministry spokesman expressed outrage and anger felt in the country.
    •  United Kingdom:
      • Prime Minister Gordon Brown, said "I was deeply shocked to learn of the bomb blasts in Karachi that have killed over a hundred people and injured so many others. I am appalled by this horrific use of violence against entirely innocent people...On behalf of the British Government please accept my sincerest condolences for those Pakistanis who have lost their lives. You can be assured of the United Kingdom's continuing support to work with all those committed to building a peaceful and democratic Pakistan"[19]
      • Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs David Miliband, said "I condemn utterly the use of violence against entirely innocent people and the attempt to suppress the right of Pakistanis to express their democratic voice. I share the shock of the Pakistani community in the United Kingdom at these horrific attacks".
    •  United States:
      • U.S. Department of State spokesperson Tom Casey: "There is no political cause that can justify the murder of innocent people. Those responsible seek only to foster fear and limit freedom. The United States stands with the people of Pakistan to eliminate terrorist threats, and to build a more open, democratic, and peaceful society."[4]
      • U.S. National Security Council spokesman Gordon Johndroe stated that "The United States condemns the violent attack in Pakistan and mourns the loss of innocent life there. Extremists will not be allowed to stop Pakistanis from selecting their representatives through an open and democratic process."[13]

    International organisations

    • Commonwealth of Nations: Secretary-General Don McKinnon condemned the attack, stating "The legitimate aspirations of the people of Pakistan to enjoy peace, stability, prosperity and a democratic way of life must not be allowed to be thwarted by senseless acts of violence".[20]
    • Flag of the United Nations.svg United Nations: A statement issued by a spokesperson for Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon read, "(Ban Ki-moon) strongly condemns this terrorist attack and expresses condolences to the families of the victims. He trusts that all political forces will act together to strengthen national unity."[21]

    See also


    1. ^ a b c "The Karsaz incident had occurred on October 18, 2007, when two blasts hit the welcoming rally of BB". Dunya News. 18 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2015.
    2. ^ a b c Gall, Carlotta; Salman Masood (20 October 2007). "Bhutto Says She Warned of Plotting Days Before Attack". The New York Times. The New York Times Company. Archived from the original on 9 November 2008. Retrieved 19 October 2007.
    3. ^ "CHRONOLOGY-Attacks in Pakistan since July 2007". Reuters. 27 December 2007. Retrieved 6 March 2008.
    4. ^ a b "Death toll rises in Bhutto attack". Retrieved 6 November 2014.
    5. ^ a b c "Bhutto convoy blasts kill scores BBC News – 18 October 2007". Retrieved 6 November 2014.
    6. ^ Al Jazeera English, Scores dead in Pakistan bomb blasts.
    7. ^ At least 119 dead as bombs target Bhutto Archived 20 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
    8. ^ https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/01/08/AR2009010803110.html
    9. ^ "Pakistan al-Qaeda leaders 'dead'". BBC News. 9 January 2009.
    10. ^ Dawn.com (7 August 2012). "I have sent my men to welcome Benazir". DAWN.COM. Retrieved 25 February 2018.
    11. ^ "Taliban confirm commander's death". BBC News. 25 August 2009.
    12. ^ "Bhutto hits out over bomb attack". Retrieved 6 November 2014.
    13. ^ a b Pakistan blasts kill 123 as Bhutto returns
    14. ^ "Fatima Bhutto criticises Benazir". Dawn. Archived from the original on 24 October 2007. Retrieved 22 October 2007.
    15. ^ "news.com.au
    16. ^ "136 killed as blasts rip through crowds welcoming Bhutto", CBC News, 18 October 2007
    17. ^ "In quotes: Bhutto blast reaction". Retrieved 6 November 2014.
    18. ^ "India assails attack on Benazir"
    19. ^ "PM condemns Pakistan bomb attack" Archived 25 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine, www.number10.gov.uk, 19 October 2007
    20. ^ "Commonwealth condemns attack on convoy of Mrs Benazir Bhutto" Archived 21 December 2007 at the Wayback Machine, Commonwealth Secretariat, 19 October 2007

    External links

    Coordinates: 24°53′05″N 67°05′23″E / 24.884733°N 67.089638°E / 24.884733; 67.089638

    16 April 2007

    Seung-Hui Cho guns down 32 people and injures 17 before committing suicide at Virginia Tech.

    On 16 April 2007, 32 people died after being gunned down on the campus of Virginia Tech by Seung Hui Cho, a student at the college who later committed suicide.

    The Virginia Tech shooting began around 7:15 a.m., when Cho, a 23-year-old senior and English major at Blacksburg-based Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, shot a female freshman and a male resident assistant in a campus dormitory before fleeing the building.

    Police were soon on the scene; unaware of the gunman’s identity, they initially pursued the female victim’s boyfriend as a suspect in what they believed to be an isolated domestic-violence incident.

    However, at around 9:40 a.m., Cho, armed with a 9-millimeter handgun, a 22-caliber handgun and hundreds of rounds of ammunition, entered a classroom building, chained and locked several main doors and went from room to room shooting people. Approximately 10 minutes after the rampage began, he died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound.

    The attack left 32 people dead and more than a dozen wounded. In all, 27 students and five faculty members died in the massacre.

    Two days later, on April 18, NBC News received a package of materials from Cho with a timestamp indicating he had mailed it from a Virginia post office between the first and second shooting attacks. Contained in the package were photos of a gun-wielding Cho, along with a rambling video diatribe in which he ranted about wealthy “brats,” among other topics.

    In the aftermath of the Virginia Tech shooting, authorities found no evidence that Cho, who was born in South Korea and moved to America with his family in 1992, had specifically targeted any of his victims. The public soon learned that Cho, described by students as a loner who rarely spoke to anyone, had a history of mental-health problems.

    It was also revealed that angry, violent writings Cho made for certain class assignments had raised concern among some of his professors and fellow students well before the events of April 16.

    In 2011, Virginia Tech was fined by the U.S. Department of Education for failing to issue a prompt campus-wide warning after Cho shot his first two victims.

    School officials sent an email notification about the dorm shooting to students and faculty at 9:26 that morning. According to the Department of Education, the message was vague and did not indicate there had been a murder or that the gunman was still at large.