8 December 1974

A plebiscite results in the abolition of monarchy in Greece.

1974 Greek republic referendum

Greek republic referendum, 1974
Date8 December 1974
Votes %
Yes 3,245,111 69.18%
No 1,445,875 30.82%
Valid votes 4,690,986 99.39%
Invalid or blank votes 28,801 0.61%
Total votes 4,719,787 100.00%
Registered voters/turnout 6,244,539 75.58%
Results by constituency
Greek republic referendum results by region, 1974.png
  No referendum (Mount Athos)
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A referendum on retaining the republic was held in Greece on 8 December 1974.[1] After the collapse of the military junta that ruled the country from 1967, the issue of the form of government remained unsolved. The Junta had already staged a plebiscite held on 29 July 1973, which resulted in the establishment of the Republic. However, after the fall of the military regime, the new government, under Constantine Karamanlis, decided to hold another one, as Junta legal acts were considered illegal. Constantine II, the former King, was banned by the new government from returning to Greece to campaign in the referendum, but the Karamanlis government allowed him to make a televised address to the nation.[2] The proposal was approved by 69.2% of voters with a turnout of 75.6%.[3]


The referendum campaign included television debates in which Constantine himself took part on the monarchist side, whilst those debating in favour of a republic included Marios Ploritis, Leonidas Kyrkos, Phaedon Vegleris, George Koumandos, Alexandros Panagoulis and Costas Simitis, who later (from 1996 to 2004) served as Prime Minister of Greece.

Political parties abstained from taking part in the referendum campaign, with the television debates confined to ordinary citizens who represented one side or the other. On 23 November 1974 Prime Minister Karamanlis requested that his parliamentary party group adopt a neutral stance on the issue. Two televised speeches a week were given to each side, with an additional two messages broadcast by the former king; a radio broadcast on 26 November and a television speech on 6 December.


On the day of the referendum, the electorate voted categorically in favour of republic. Crete gave more than 90% of its vote for a republic, whilst in around thirty constituencies the result for republic was around 60–70%. The biggest wins for monarchy were in Peloponnisos and Thrace, with around 45%. The constituencies with the highest votes for a monarchy were Laconia at 59.52%, Rhodope at 50.54%, Messenia with 49.24%, Elis at 46.88% and Argos at 46.67%.

Choice Votes %
For 3,245,111 69.2
Against 1,445,875 30.8
Invalid/blank votes 28,801
Total 4,719,787 100
Registered voters/turnout 6,244,539 75.6
Source: Nohlen & Stöver

By region

Region FOR (%) AGAINST (%)
Athens A 75.60 24.40
Athens B 79.59 20.41
Aetolia-Acarnania 65.63 34.67
Argolis 53.33 46.67
Arkadia 56.99 43.01
Arta 56.21 43.79
Achaea 68.54 31.46
Kavala 73.64 26.36
Boeotia 65.46 35.24
Corfu 63.47 36.53
Drama 67.41 32.59
Dodecanese 63.78 36.22
Evros 60.27 39.73
Evrytania 60.69 39.31
Euboea 65.38 34.62
Grevena 61.20 38.80
Heraklion 89.43 10.57
Ilia 53.12 46.88
Ioannina 68.70 31.30
Imathia 71.77 28.23
Thessaloniki A 79.99 20.01
Thessaloniki B 68.12 31.88
Thesprotia 64.21 35.79
Zante 62.63 37.37
Karditsa 68.79 31.21
Kastoria 55.74 44.26
Cephalonia 66.17 33.83
Kilkis 59.71 40.29
Kozani 66.11 33.89
Corinthia 62.36 37.64
Cyclades 61.72 38.28
Larissa 67.82 32.18
Laconia 40.48 59.52
Lasithi 88.42 11.58
Lesvos 77.74 22.26
Lefkada 71.22 28.78
Magnesia 71.25 28.75
Messenia 50.76 49.24
Xanthi 53.75 46.25
Piraeus A 71.95 28.05
Piraeus B 81.70 18.30
Pella 65.09 34.91
Pieria 65.54 34.46
Preveza 62.01 37.99
Rethymno 94.10 5.90
Rhodope 49.46 50.54
Samos 64.38 35.62
Serres 64.82 35.18
Trikala 67.40 32.60
Attica 65.07 34.93
Fthiotida 63.58 36.42
Florina 60.36 39.64
Fokida 62.44 37.56
Chalcidice 58.17 41.83
Chania 92.70 7.30
Chios 72.95 27.05


With the announcement of the results, Karamanlis said: "A cancer has been removed from the body of the nation today."[4][citation needed] On 15 December 1974, the incumbent President, Phaedon Gizikis, submitted his resignation, and Karamanlis thanked him with a personal visit and in writing for his services to the country. On 18 December 1974, Michail Stasinopoulos, a state list MP for New Democracy, was elected and sworn in as President of Greece.[citation needed]

In February 1988, Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis stated in an interview given in London that, although he was a republican, the manner in which the referendum was carried out was "unfair".[citation needed] The statement attracted wide criticism in Greece at the time and was debated in the media.[citation needed]

In April 2007, the newspaper To Vima carried out a survey in which only 11.6% of those polled wished for Greece to become a monarchy again.[citation needed]


  1. ^ Dieter Nohlen & Philip Stöver (2010) Elections in Europe: A data handbook, p830 ISBN 978-3-8329-5609-7
  2. ^ Hope, Kevin. Referendum plan faces hurdles. Financial Times 1 November 2011.
  3. ^ Nohlen & Stöver, p838
  4. ^ Kollias, Konstantinos (1984). Βασιλεύς και Επανάστασις 1967. Athens: Αθήναι. p. 115.

29 June 1974

Isabel Perón becomes the first female President of Argentina.

Isabel Martínez de Perón

Isabel Martínez de Perón
Isabel Martinez de Peron.jpg
President of Argentina
In office
1 July 1974 – 24 March 1976
Preceded byJuan Perón
Succeeded byJorge Videla (de facto)
Vice President of Argentina
In office
12 October 1973 – 1 July 1974
PresidentJuan Perón
Preceded byVicente Solano Lima
Succeeded byVíctor Martínez (1983)
President of the Justicialist Party
In office
1 July 1974 – 21 February 1985
Preceded byJuan Perón
Succeeded byAntonio Cafiero
First Lady of Argentina
In role
12 October 1973 – 1 July 1974
PresidentJuan Perón
Preceded byNorma Beatriz López Rega
Succeeded byAlicia Raquel Videla
Personal details
María Estela Martínez Cartas

(1931-02-04) 4 February 1931 (age 89)
La Rioja, Argentina
Political partyJusticialist Party
Juan Perón
(m. 1961; died 1974)

María Estela Martínez Cartas de Perón (born 4 February 1931), better known as Isabel Martínez de Perón (Spanish pronunciation: [isaˈβel maɾˈtines]) or Isabel Perón, served as the 42nd President of Argentina from 1974 to 1976. She was the third wife of President Juan Perón. During her husband's third term as president from 1973 to 1974, Isabel served as both vice president and First Lady. Following her husband's death in office in 1974, Isabel served as president of Argentina from 1 July 1974 to 24 March 1976, at which time the military took over the government and placed her under house arrest for five years, before exiling her to Spain in 1981. She holds the distinction of having been the first woman to have had the title of "President", as opposed to a queen or prime minister.

In 2007 an Argentine judge ordered her arrest over the forced disappearance of an activist in February 1976, on the grounds that the disappearance was authorized by her signing of decrees allowing Argentina's armed forces to take action against "subversives".[1] She was arrested near her home in Spain on 12 January 2007.[2] Spanish courts subsequently refused her extradition to Argentina.[3]

Early life and career

María Estela Martínez Cartas was born in La Rioja, Argentina, into a lower-middle-class family, daughter of María Josefa Cartas Olguín and Carmelo Martínez.[4] She dropped out of school after the fifth grade.[5] In the early 1950s she became a nightclub dancer, adopting the name Isabel, the saint's name (the Spanish form of that of Saint Elizabeth of Portugal) that she had chosen as a confirmation name.[6][7][8]

Juan Perón

She met her future husband during his exile in Panama.[8] Juan Perón, who was 35 years her senior, was attracted by her beauty and believed she could provide him with the female companionship he had been lacking since the death of his second wife Eva Perón (Evita) in 1952. Perón brought Isabel with him when he moved to Madrid, Spain, in 1960. Authorities in the strongly conservative Roman Catholic nation did not approve of Perón's cohabitation with a young woman to whom he was not married, so on 15 November 1961 the former president reluctantly married for a third time.[8]

Early political career

As Perón resumed an active role in Argentine politics from exile, Isabel acted as a go-between from Spain to Argentina. Having been deposed in a coup in 1955, Perón was forbidden from returning to Argentina, so his new wife was appointed to travel in his stead.[9] The CGT leader José Alonso became one of her main advisers in Perón's dispute against Steelworkers' leader Augusto Vandor's Popular Union faction during mid-term elections in 1965; Alonso and Vandor were both later assassinated in as-yet unexplained circumstances.[9]

José López Rega

Isabel met José López Rega, who was a former policeman with an interest in occultism and fortune-telling, during a visit to Argentina in 1964.[9] She was interested in occult matters (and as president reportedly employed astrological divination to determine national policy),[10] so the two quickly became friends. Under pressure from Isabel, Perón appointed López as her personal secretary; López later founded the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (Triple A), a death squad accused of perpetrating 1,500 crimes in the 1970s.[11]

Rise to power

The president of Romania, Nicolae Ceaușescu and his wife, Elena, with Juan and Isabel Perón in 1974

Dr. Héctor Cámpora was nominated by Perón's Justicialist Party to run in the March 1973 presidential elections on the FREJULI ticket (a Peronist-led alliance). Cámpora won, but it was generally understood that Juan Perón held the real power; a popular phrase at the time was "Cámpora al gobierno, Perón al poder" (Cámpora in government, Perón in power). Later that year, Perón returned to Argentina, and Cámpora resigned to allow Perón to run for president. He chose Isabel as his nominee for the Vice Presidency to mollify feuding Peronist factions, as these could agree on no other running mate. His return from exile was marked by a growing rift between the right and left wings of the Peronist movement; while Cámpora represented the left wing, López Rega represented the right wing. The latter was, moreover, supported by the CGT labor federation leadership and Isabel herself, and this faction became known by the left as the entorno ('entourage') due to the inner circle status Perón afforded them. Juan Perón had long been inimical to the left, but cultivated their support while he was in exile. His sympathies ended, however, after the assassination of CGT leader José Ignacio Rucci by the leftist Montoneros in September.[9]

Perón's victory in a snap election called by Congress in September 1973 was always considered likely, and he won with 62% of the vote. He began his third term on 12 October, with Isabel as Vice President. Perón was by then in precarious health, however; a CIA cable at the time described him as alternating between a lucid state and that of senile dependency.[12] Isabel had to take over as Acting President on several occasions during his tenure.[5]


Isabel Perón taking office as President of Argentina, 1974.

Juan Perón suffered a series of heart attacks on 28 June 1974; Isabel was summoned home from a European trade mission and secretly sworn in as acting president the next day.[9] Juan Perón died on 1 July 1974, less than a year after his third election to office. As vice-president his widow formally ascended to the presidency, thus becoming the first woman in the world to hold the title of "President", although she was not the first woman to lead a country. She was popularly known as La Presidente.[13]

Although she lacked Evita Perón's charisma, the grieving widow at first attracted support from the nation. She pledged to uphold the social market economy policies embodied in the 1973 "Social Pact" as well her husband's long-held economic nationalism; her first significant economic policy decisions were the enactment of a new, pro-labor employment contract law and the granting to YPF of a monopoly over filling stations.[14] Even extremist[clarification needed] groups, having fallen out with Juan Perón in previous months, publicly offered support to her. However she cancelled meetings with various constituent and political groups, and the sympathy resulting from her husband's death soon dissipated. Her government purged most leftists from university posts and the administration, and (as her husband and other Argentine presidents had done) used Federal intervention powers to unseat leftist governors. Following a string of political murders and a break by the Montoneros with the government, on 30 September Perón signed the Anti-Terrorism Law. This was the first in a series of measures which eroded constitutional rights, ostensibly for the sake of combating leftist violence.[13]

Another source of contention between her and the voters was the increasing impression that José López Rega, the Minister of Social Welfare, set the agenda for a broad swath of Perón's policies. Vetting nearly all domestic and foreign policy, he became a de facto prime minister and his public behaviour – which included bizarre actions such as silently mouthing her words as she spoke – began to cost the president much-needed support among the Argentine public.[12] Known to have fascist sympathies, López Rega was also notably corrupt and used his position to secure business partnerships with ODESSA network principal Otto Skorzeny, Muammar Gaddafi, and the Italian Fascist Licio Gelli (to whose P-2 lodge López Rega belonged).[9]

López Rega's greatest influence upon Isabel Perón's presidency came through his recently formed Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (Triple A). A right-wing paramilitary force, between late 1973 and late 1974 the Triple A had already carried out nearly 300 murders, including that of Professor Silvio Frondizi (brother of former President Arturo Frondizi), Congressman Rodolfo Ortega Peña, activist Father Carlos Mugica, Buenos Aires Province Assistant Police Chief Julio Troxler, former Córdoba Vice-Governor Atilio López and former Chilean Army head Carlos Prats. Other prominent public servants, such as UCR Senator Hipólito Solari Yrigoyen, and left-wing University of Buenos Aires President Rodolfo Puiggrós, narrowly survived Triple A attacks; Puiggrós was then removed from his post.[15]

Atrocities were also being committed by left-wing extremists. Organized in 1968, the mysterious Roman Catholic-oriented anarchist Montoneros murdered former de facto President Pedro Aramburu, popular CGT union Secretary General José Ignacio Rucci, construction workers' union leader Rogelio Coria, former Interior Minister Arturo Mor Roig and U.S. Consul John Egan, among other murders and kidnappings. Throughout 1974, the rise of a new and nearly-as-violent Trotskyite group, the ERP, added to the cycle of violence. Having gained notoriety after the murder of FIAT executive Oberdan Sallustro, the ERP began the year with a violent assault on the Azul barracks. It murdered, among others, a criminal court judge, Jorge Quiroga; the writer Jordán Bruno Genta; and the publisher of La Plata's centrist El Día, David Kraiselburd. The kidnapping of Esso executive Victor Samuelson, freed for a ransom of US$12 million, ignited what would become a rash of such crimes.[16] However, the government and paramilitaries used this environment to target and murder many legitimate opponents of the regime, as listed above.[citation needed]

Following the murder of Buenos Aires Police Chief Alberto Villar (one of López Rega's closest collaborators in the Triple A) and his wife, as well as amid increasing activity by the ERP in the Province of Tucumán, Perón was persuaded to declare a state of siege on 6 November (suspending, among other rights, habeas corpus). Censorship also increased markedly, culminating in the closure by decree of one of the leading news dailies in Latin America (Crónica) and several other publications, as well as the banning of Argentine television figures such as talk show host Mirtha Legrand and comedian Tato Bores.[17]

Operation Independence began in Tucumán on 5 February 1975. This military campaign, though successful from a military standpoint, gained notoriety for its brutality; in addition to going after insurgents, it attacked elected officials, magistrates, University of Tucumán faculty, and even secondary school teachers.[15][18]

The government turned on the labor movement, the mainstay of Peronism for the better part of a quarter-century, classifying it as "subversive" and subject to reprisals. The November 1974 election of a left-wing union shop steward at a Villa Constitución steel mill and its disapproval by steelworkers' leader Lorenzo Miguel (a leading figure in the paramount CGT), resulted in a brutal 20 March 1975 police assault on the facility. The raid, executed jointly with Triple A heavies, led to the "disappearances" of many of the 300 workers arrested.[19]

José López Rega, while officially Minister of Social Welfare, broadly vetted Mrs. Perón's domestic and foreign policy until protests forced him to flee to Spain in July 1975.

Stacking the State Intelligence Secretariat (SIDE) with Fascists loyal to him, Lopez Rega hastened unprecedented intrigue, culminating in the kidnapping of Jorge and Juan Born, prominent local executives who paid US$60 million for their release (a world record at the time). Using contacts from among the Montoneros' many double agents, the agency kept the Born brothers in a known SIDE safehouse for nine months until their June 1975 release without public suspicion of SIDE involvement, a successful false flag operation that led to others (albeit less ambitious ones) in the following months.[15] López Rega, meanwhile, arranged the dismissal of many of the most competent policy makers Perón had inherited from her husband's brief presidency; by May 1975, both Economy Minister José Ber Gelbard and Central Bank President Alfredo Gómez Morales had been replaced with right-wing López Rega loyalists.[20]

Isabel Perón initially maintained the Social Pact inherited from her husband, and succeeded in enhancing it with reforms such as the enactment in December 1974 of payroll taxes to strengthen the Public Retirement System. Yielding to pressure from labor she ignored the incomes policy aspect of the Social Pact, however, and while the economy remained otherwise stable, a price/wage spiral ensued with inflation rising from a low of 12% a year at the height of the Social Pact in May 1974 to 80% a year later.[21] The Social Pact also faced growing opposition by employers, particularly after conservative members of the General Economic Council (CGE) split from the conciliatory CGE in March 1975 to form the more combative APEGE; this group would later adopt the tactic of staging recurring lockouts against the administration.[22]

Faced with record trade and budget deficits, the new Economy Minister, Celestino Rodrigo, proceeded to apply economic shock therapy in June. These measures doubled rates and fares and ordered a surprise halving of the peso's value, which, by forcing those who could to stampede towards the U.S. dollar, destroyed the fragile financial balance that had been maintained to that point.[20] Consumer prices doubled between May and August 1975 alone,[21] and though sharp, mandatory wage hikes had been negotiated between the government, labor and employers, the resulting shock (known as the Rodrigazo) ignited protest across Argentina, including a two-day general strike by the CGT (the first ever against a Peronist administration). Following protests in front of his offices, the now hated José López Rega was hastily appointed Ambassador to Spain and boarded a flight into exile.[23]

Fall from power

López Rega left the country on 19 July. Shortly afterward, Perón dismissed her protégés in the Economy Ministry, Celestino Rodrigo, and in the Armed Forces High Command, General Alberto Numa Laplane, whom she replaced in August with General Jorge Videla, a quiet career officer with an uneventful military record.[17] The president's appointment of a pragmatic economist, Peronist wheelhorse Antonio Cafiero and her 13 September announcement of a leave of absence relieved ample sectors of society, from labor unions to business. Designating Senate President Ítalo Lúder, a moderately conservative Peronist, in her stead, it was widely hoped that her leave would become permanent; but, it was not to be.[23]

Limited largely to the murder of security forces and public figures during 1974, political violence escalated during 1975 to include soft targets in the population at large as Trotskyist ERP and fascist Triple A extremists began taking to midnight lightning strikes against each other and civilian targets such as banks, buses, yachts, parking lots, and restaurants.[15] Over 700 lives were lost to political violence during Mrs. Perón's first 15 months in office, of which more than half were subversives and most of the remainder were security forces; by March 1976, civilians comprised fully half of the 1,358 deaths attributable to this conflict.[24] The Montoneros, moreover, began a series of audacious attacks on military installations, including August dynamiting of the nearly finished destroyer Santísima Trinidad near the port of La Plata and the Operation Primicia, a terrorist attack on a military base in Formosa Province on 5 October. Anxious to placate the exasperated public, the military, hard-line labor leaders (particularly the steelworkers' Lorenzo Miguel), and most other Peronists, on 6 October she and Lúder signed new measures giving blanket immunity for the Armed Forces that they may (in her words) "annihilate subversive elements throughout the country" – in effect a nationwide extension of the state of siege that had been imposed in Tucumán.[2] The measure won her just enough support to return from "sick leave" and on 17 October (on Peronists' historically central Loyalty Day), Perón appeared at the balcony of the Casa Rosada, back at her post.[13]

Her health remained fragile, however, and a gallbladder affliction forced her to take a second, shorter leave of absence in November.[23] Interior Minister Ángel Robledo's proposal that elections (scheduled for March 1977) should instead be held in November 1976 was approved by the president during this leave, bringing renewed hope that an increasingly rumored coup d'état could yet be averted.[15]

Anxiety over inflation, meanwhile, continued to dominate daily life. Monthly inflation did slow from the (then-record) 35% logged in July, but remained at 10–15% monthly between September and January 1976. A sudden fall in business investment had by then sent the economy into a sharp recession, however. GDP growth had already slowed from a 6.8% rate in the fourth quarter of 1974 to 1.4% in the second quarter; following the Rodrigazo crisis, the economy shrank 4.4% by the first quarter of 1976, with fixed investment falling by one sixth and auto production by a third.[20] The mid-year recession had significantly curbed the growth in imports; but because exports continued to fall, the trade deficit reached a record billion dollars in 1975, nearly depleting foreign exchange reserves.[20] The government's 1975 budget had been derailed by the crisis and by earlier commitments to cancel its then still-modest foreign debt, something which even so cost Argentina US$2.5 billion that year, alone. The resulting budget deficits (over US$5 billion, in 1975) and a series of lockouts in the agricultural and commercial sectors began to reassert pressure on prices after November, leading to hoarding and shortages.[20]

The appointment of Brigadier General Héctor Fautario, a loyalist of Perón, to the branch's high command, fueled broader support in the Air Force for action against her administration, and on 18 December, General Jesús Capellini attempted a coup d'état by seizing the Morón Airport and Air Base. The military joint chiefs, however, who obtained Fautario's dismissal, stayed the mutiny's hand, secretly concluding that the timing was premature. Partly in response, the nearly defeated ERP on 23 December besieged the important Monte Chingolo Armory, which claimed the lives of six military personnel and 85 guerrilla members; this defeat marked the end of the ERP's violent campaign.[16]

Allegations had surfaced in August that Perón had embezzled large sums from the Cruzada de Solidaridad ('Solidarity Crusade'), a government-run charity, into her personal accounts in Spain.[23] A congressional investigation launched in November over the charity fund embezzlement allegations had meanwhile dissipated her remaining support in Congress, prompting the departure of the second-largest party in the FREJULI alliance, the centrist MID, and dividing the Peronist caucus into "Vericalist" and "Rebel" factions. Her administration was dealt further political blows from within her own party by a break in December with the Governor of Buenos Aires Victorio Calabró, who declared that "we won't make it [to the next elections]"[25] and with the resignation in January 1976 of Interior Minister Ángel Robledo, her chief legislative and military point man.[26]

Isabel Perón granted ever more significant policy concessions to the largely conservative military in the early months of 1976, from security matters to economic.[27] Economy Minister Antonio Cafiero, supported by labor, was dismissed in February, and his replacement, Eugenio Mondelli, announced further shock therapy measures similar to the previous year's Rodrigazo – the Mondelazo. These measures included steep hikes in utility rates and a new devaluation of the already shredded peso, causing prices to more than double over the next three months (inflation reached a new record of over 700% by April) and leading a new wave of strikes and business lockouts.[20]

The UCR initiated impeachment proceedings against the President in February with the support of the "Rebel" Peronist faction in Congress. Near defeat though still active, the Montoneros detonated a bomb at Army headquarters on 15 March, killing one and injuring 29 people.[16] The head of the CGE, Julio Broner, left Argentina with his family, altogether; CGT Secretary General Casildo Herreras followed suit, announcing from exile that he had "erased" himself. The leader of the opposition UCR Ricardo Balbín, while making efforts to form a multi-party congressional crisis committee, held a private meeting in February with Army Chief of Staff Videla and told him, "If you're planning to stage a coup, do so as soon as possible – expect no applause from us, but no obstacles either."[27] The media were by then openly counting down the days to the expected coup d'état, and several newspapers published editorials calling for Perón's overthrow.[28] Even as the joint chiefs professed loyalty to La Presidente, the Armed Forces High Command had already given final approval to a coup, code-named 'Operation Aries', when the president returned from her leave of absence in October 1975.[29]

After working late into the evening of 23 March 1976, in the hope of averting a renewed business lockout, Perón celebrated her executive assistant's birthday with staff. Alerted to suspicious military exercises, she boarded the presidential helicopter shortly after midnight. It did not fly her to the Quinta de Olivos presidential residence but to an Air Force base in nearby Jorge Newbery International Airport, where she was formally deposed and arrested.[16]

Detention and exile

The majority of Peronist officials in the national, provincial, and municipal governments were promptly arrested, and many "disappeared" permanently during the subsequent Dirty War, including numerous right-wing Peronists.[15] Isabel Perón herself remained under house arrest in Villa La Angostura and other secluded locations for five years, and was eventually sent into exile in Spain in July 1981. She continued to serve as official head of her husband's Justicialist Party until her resignation in February 1985, nearly a decade after her fall from power. Though there were some who desired her return and wished for her return to power, she refused to stand for election to the presidency when elections were ultimately called in 1983. She lived in Madrid, maintained close links with Francisco Franco's family, and sometimes went to Marbella, a Spanish seaside city.[30]

Following the restoration of democracy in Argentina, she was pardoned from charges of corruption during her presidency and returned in December 1983 as a guest of honor at President Raúl Alfonsín's inauguration, and in May 1984 to participate in policy talks arranged by Alfonsín and opposition leaders. Still nominally head of Juan Perón's Justicialist Party, she played a constructive role in the talks, supporting cooperation between the restive CGT labor union (her party's political base) and Alfonsín. The talks concluded with a weak agreement, and she resigned from her post as titular head of the party.[31] She returned to Argentina once more, in 1988, to resolve probate disputes concerning the Perón estate,[32] then resumed residence in Spain under a very low profile.[citation needed]

Arrest in Spain

A judge in Mendoza, Argentina in November 2006 demanded testimony from Isabel Perón, along with other Peronist ministers of her government, in a case involving forced disappearances during her presidency; on 12 January 2007, she was arrested in Madrid. She was charged by the Argentine authorities with the disappearance of Héctor Aldo Fagetti Gallego on 25 February 1976, and for crimes related to her issuance of 6 October 1975 decree calling the Armed Forces to "annihilate subversive elements."[2] The Nunca Más ("Never Again") report released in 1984 by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons recorded 600 disappearances and 500 assassinations under the Peronist governments from 1973 to 1976, and it is acknowledged that the Triple A alone murdered some 600 people.[33]

The 2006 capture in Spain of Triple A death-squad overseer Rodolfo Almirón, who had also been in charge of López Rega's and Isabel Perón's personal security, shed further light on the extent of Triple A involvement in the early stages of the Dirty War.[30] Isabel Perón's extradition to Argentina was refused by Spain on 28 March 2008. Spain's National Court ruled twice that the charges against her did not constitute crimes against humanity, adding that the statute of limitations on the charges expired after 20 years.[3]

The Supreme Court of Justice of Argentina unanimously dismissed on 21 June 2017 the petitions to interrogate Isabel Perón either as a witness or as a defendant.[34]

See also


  1. ^ Warrant for ex-Argentine leader, BBC, 12 January 2007.
  2. ^ a b c "Isabel Peron's arrest signals shift in Argentina". Los Angeles Times. 13 January 2007.
  3. ^ a b "Extradition of Isabel Perón To Argentina Is Rejected By Court". New York Times. 29 April 2008.
  4. ^ Binayán Carmona, Narciso. Maria Estela Martinez Cartas said one day: Zanga Cutiricutanga, that words were a tipic words in that years. Historia genealógica Argentina. EMECE, 1999, p.578.
  5. ^ a b Buckman, Robert T. (2007). The World Today Series: Latin America 2007. Harpers Ferry, West Virginia: Stryker-Post Publications. ISBN 978-1-887985-84-0.
  6. ^ The 100 Most Influential World Leaders of All Time (Britannica Educational Publishing 2009 ISBN 978-1-61530-059-4), p. 249
  7. ^ Encyclopedia of World Biography: Orozco-Radisson (Gale Research 1998 ISBN 978-0-7876-2552-8
  8. ^ a b c Eloy Martínez, Tomás (1985). La Novela de Perón. Random House. ISBN 0-679-78146-3.
  9. ^ a b c d e f Page, Joseph (1983). Perón: A Biography. Random House. ISBN 0-394-52297-4.
  10. ^ Ball, Deirdre, ed. (1992). Insight Guides – Argentina. APA Publications (HK) Ltd. p. 47. ISBN 962-421-048-9.
  11. ^ "Argentinian death squad leader' arrested in Spain". The Guardian. 30 December 2006.
  12. ^ a b Reed, Robert (12 November 1999). "Juan Perón & Cocaine Politics". Consortium News.
  13. ^ a b c Crawley, Eduardo (1985). A House Divided. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-39254-0.
  14. ^ Solberg, Carl (1979). Oil and Nationalism in Argentina. Stanford University Press. p. 174. ISBN 0-8047-0985-8.
  15. ^ a b c d e f Andersen, Martin (1993). Dossier Secreto. Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-8213-0.
  16. ^ a b c d Lewis, Paul (2002). Guerrillas and Generals. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-275-97360-3.
  17. ^ a b "Presidencia de Isabel Perón". Todo Argentina.
  18. ^ "Diario de Campaña de Acdel Vilas". Nunca Más. Archived from the original on 20 September 2003.
  19. ^ "Propuesta a Acindar". Río Negro. 2 October 2007. Archived from the original on 25 January 2009.
  20. ^ a b c d e f Lewis, Paul (1990). The Crisis of Argentine Capitalism. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-4356-3.
  21. ^ a b "Precios al consumidor – Serie histórica – Variaciones porcentuales". INDEC.
  22. ^ "Historia en Debate: Los Días del Golpe". El Ruido de las Nueces. 5 August 2012. Archived from the original on 2 October 2013.
  23. ^ a b c d "Historia secreta de la caída de Isabel Perón". Somos. September 1983.
  24. ^ Patricia and William Marchak (1999). God's Assassins: State Terrorism in Argentina in the 1970s. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-7735-2013-9.
  25. ^ "Los mitos del 24 de marzo". La Nueva Provincia. 24 March 2010. Archived from the original on 28 September 2013.
  26. ^ "Murió ayer el doctor Angel Federico Robledo". La Nación. 16 November 2004.
  27. ^ a b "El pedido de Isabel Perón a Videla el día antes del golpe militar de 1976". Red Biografo.
  28. ^ "El papel de la prensa durante el proceso militar". Argentina a Diario. 24 March 2012. Archived from the original on 13 March 2014.
  29. ^ "El cruento éxito de la 'Operación Aries'". El País (in Spanish).
  30. ^ a b Detienen en Valencia al ex dirigente de la Triple A Argentina Almirón Sena, El Mundo, 28 December 2006 (Spanish).
  31. ^ Encyclopædia Britannica. Book of the Year, 1985: Argentina.
  32. ^ "Isabel Peron Leaves Exile For Argentina". Sun-Sentinel.
  33. ^ "L'ancienne présidente Argentine Isabel Perón arrêtée à Madrid, à la demande de Buenos Aires", Le Monde, 13 January 2007 (French).
  34. ^ "La Corte rechazó citar a Isabel Perón para que declare por delitos de lesa humanidad" (in Spanish). El Litoral. 21 June 2017. Retrieved 9 December 2017.

Further reading

  • Guareschi, Roberto (5 November 2005). "Not quite the Evita of Argentine legend". New Straits Times. p. 21.
  • Skard, Torild (2014) "Isabel Péron" in Women of Power – Half a century of female presidents and prime ministers worldwide. Bristol: Policy Press, ISBN 978-1-4473-1578-0.

External links

Political offices
Preceded by
Vicente Solano Lima
Vice President of Argentina
Title next held by
Víctor Martínez
Preceded by
Juan Perón
President of Argentina
Succeeded by
Jorge Videla

29 March 1974

Terracotta Army was discovered in Shaanxi province, China.

The Terracotta Army is a collection of terracotta sculptures depicting the armies of Qin Shi Huang, the first Emperor of China. It is a form of funerary art buried with the emperor in 210–209 BCE with the purpose of protecting the emperor in his afterlife.

The figures, dating from approximately the late third century BCE, were discovered in 1974 by local farmers in Lintong County, outside Xi’an, Shaanxi, China. The figures vary in height according to their roles, with the tallest being the generals. The figures include warriors, chariots and horses. Estimates from 2007 were that the three pits containing the Terracotta Army held more than 8,000 soldiers, 130 chariots with 520 horses, and 150 cavalry horses, the majority of which remained buried in the pits near Qin Shi Huang’s mausoleum. Other terracotta non-military figures were found in other pits, including officials, acrobats, strongmen, and musicians.

The construction of the tomb was described by historian Sima Qian in his most noted work Shiji, written a century after the mausoleum’s completion. Work on the mausoleum began in 246 BCE soon after Emperor Qin ascended the throne, and the project eventually involved 700,000 workers. Geographer Li Daoyuan, writing six centuries after the First Emperor’s death, recorded in Shui Jing Zhu that Mount Li was a favoured location due to its auspicious geology, “famed for its jade mines, its northern side was rich in gold, and its southern side rich in beautiful jade; the First Emperor, covetous of its fine reputation, therefore chose to be buried there”. Sima Qian wrote that the First Emperor was buried with palaces, towers, officials, valuable artifacts and wondrous objects. According to this account, 100 flowing rivers were simulated using mercury, and above them the ceiling was decorated with heavenly bodies below which were the features of the land. Some translations of this passage refer to “models” or “imitations”; however, those words were not used in the original text, which makes no mention of the terracotta army. High levels of mercury were found in the soil of the tomb mound, giving credence to Sima Qian’s account. Later historical accounts suggested that the tomb had been looted by Xiang Yu, a contender for the throne after the death of the first emperor. However, there are indications that the tomb may not have been plundered.

The Terracotta Army was discovered on 29 March 1974 by farmers digging a water well approximately 1.5 kilometres east of the Qin Emperor’s tomb mound at Mount Li, a region riddled with underground springs and watercourses. For centuries, occasional reports mentioned pieces of terracotta figures and fragments of the Qin necropolis – roofing tiles, bricks and chunks of masonry. This discovery prompted Chinese archaeologists, including Zhao Kangmin, to investigate, revealing the largest pottery figurine group ever found. A museum complex has since been constructed over the area, the largest pit being enclosed by a roofed structure.

24 December 1974

Cyclone Tracy devastates in Australia.

IT’S CHRISTMAS EVE, 1974. Rain had been falling heavily from about lunchtime and the wind strength had picked up during the day. The residents of Darwin were busy being cheerful.

Radio announcements about an incoming tropical cyclone could be heard, but faded into the background, drowned out by the crinkling sounds of present wrapping and the delicious smell of Christmas food.

It wasn’t until the dark of midnight, on Christmas day, 25 December 1974, that Cyclone Tracy really began to make an impact. In the seven hours it took for the cyclone to pass over Darwin roughly 70 per cent of the small capital city was destroyed.

Up to 71 people were killed in the chaos, 16 of them lost at sea. A bill of $500-600 million dollars was also racked up, as planes, cars, powerlines and structures were whipped across streets destroying buildings and infrastructure.

Cyclone Tracy’s path
Cyclone Tracy was just an unnamed weak tropical low about 700km north-east of Darwin on 10 December when it was first detected. Eleven days later the low developed into a cyclone that wasn’t moving directly towards Darwin.

Today it’s widely suggested that an earlier cyclone, Selma, had also left Darwin with a false sense of security. The Category 2 cyclone had been on course for the city in early in December, but skirted the coastline, only touching Darwin with wind lashings and rain.

The last significant storm event to hit Darwin before Tracy had been a Category 3 or 4 cyclone in March 1937, almost 40 years before.

On December 24, at midnight, Tracy changed direction and moved around Bathurst Island headed straight towards Darwin.

The first cyclone warning was issued at 12.30pm and the storm made landfall at just after midnight that evening. Winds reached their known peak at 3:05am at 217km/h, before the only recording device was destroyed.

The electricity in Darwin failed entirely at around 3.30am. At 4am the eye of the cyclone, measuring 8km in diameter, passed across the city. All essential services including power, communication, water and sewerage went down.

Theoretical calculations based on based on the central pressure of the cyclone suggested the wind would have peaked at 280km/h. These winds tore the small town apart. Adding to the impact, Tracy only crept along at 10km/h, hovering over the city for several hours.

In a 1999 story by the ABC’s ‘7:30 Report’, Mike Hayes, a former ABC journalist, described the sound as like “the whole world screeching; a giant’s fingers on every blackboard in the world, as all this rubbish just slowly took off and scraped along the surface of the road.”

Tracy would eventually be classed as a Category 4 cyclone, in a range from 1 to 5. It’s still considered Australia’s most damaging cyclone to date.

After its catastrophic passage, roughly 30,000 people were left homeless and only 6 per cent of the houses were considered more-or-less intact (apart from their windows).

Between 26 and 31 December, a total of 35,362 people were evacuated from Darwin by civilian and military aircraft, while others drove away with their own vehicles.

Roughly 10,500 stayed to help clean up the city. The Aussies pulled together and less than 24 hours after the catastrophic event, the tiny population of the second-largest city in the Northern Territory, Alice Springs, raised over $100,000 worth roughly $700,000 today to assist the victims of Darwin.

In February 1975, then-prime minister Gough Whitlam announced the creation of the Darwin Reconstruction Commission.

It rebuilt key infrastructure and many homes between 1974 and 1978, and city grew with the arrival of construction workers and their families. By 1975 the population had already recovered to roughly 30,000.

The reconstruction of Darwin officially wound up in mid-1978, by which time it could again house its pre-Tracy population numbers. However, it was a city that looked very different.

“A lot of the old buildings in Darwin in 1974 were constructed in what we would call Queenslander style, where the main body of the house is elevated and underneath you would put the car or the rumpus room in or something like that,” says Kevin Walsh, an associate professor at the School of Earth Sciences at the University of Melbourne.

“The problem with those houses is that they don’t hold particularly well during tropical cyclones. The types of buildings that were built after that were much lower set.”

30 October 1974

The “Rumble in the Jungle” boxing match between Muhammad Ali and GeorgeForeman takes place in Zaire.

he match was scheduled for September. Both men had spent much of the summer of 1974 training in Zaire and getting their bodies acclimated to the warm, tropical climate. Ali was known for his speed and technical skill, while Foreman’s asset was his sheer size and raw power. The younger Foreman was the overwhelming favourite against 32-year-old Ali. But Foreman was injured during training, nursing a cut near his eye, so the fight was pushed to 30 October.

The match took place in Kinshasa’s Mai 20 Stadium. Round one saw Ali attack Foreman with a “”right-hand lead,”” a cheeky shot thrown to surprise the heavyweight champion and give Ali a psychological advantage. Ali caught Foreman nine times in the first round using this technique, but failed to knock him out. In round two, Ali employed a new technique: He began to lean on the rope and cover up, allowing Foreman to punch him on the arms and body. This sapped Foreman’s energy without seriously hurting Ali. He dubbed the strategy rope-a-dope. Ali also delivered straight punches to Foreman’s face and leaned on the heavyweight champ to make him support his weight. He also used psychological tactics, like taunting Foreman to enrage and tire him. Near the end of the fight, Foreman hammered Ali with a huge body blow, and according to Foreman, Ali whispered to him, “”Is that all you got, George?”” to which Foreman thought, “”Yep… that’s about it.”” After several rounds of this, Ali had exhausted Foreman. By the eighth round, Foreman’s wild punches and weak defense became increasingly ineffective. Ali delivered several right hooks to the heavyweight champ, followed by a five-punch combination, and finished with a left hook and hard right that caused Foreman to stumble to the canvas. He was counted out by the referee.

Rumble in the Jungle became one of the most famous fights of all times. Against all odds, Ali regained his title against Foreman, a younger, stronger fighter. It also displayed Ali’s tactical techniques to full effect: He was able to take strong blows and he alternated his fighting style—from surprise jabs to rope-a-dope, to taunting and tiring Foreman—to great effect.

29 March 1974

The Terracotta Army was discovered in Shaanxi province, China.

The Terracotta Army is a collection of terracotta sculptures depicting the armies of Qin Shi Huang, the first Emperor of China. It is a form of funerary art buried with the emperor in 210–209 BCE and whose purpose was to protect the emperor in his afterlife.

The figures, dating from approximately the late third century BCE, were discovered in 1974 by local farmers in Lintong District, Xi’an, People’s Republic of China, Shaanxi province. The figures vary in height according to their roles, with the tallest being the generals. The figures include warriors, chariots and horses. Estimates from 2007 were that the three pits containing the Terracotta Army held more than 8,000 soldiers, 130 chariots with 520 horses and 150 cavalry horses, the majority of which remained buried in the pits nearby Qin Shi Huang’s mausoleum. Other terracotta non-military figures were found in other pits, including officials, acrobats, strongmen and musicians.

The construction of the tomb was described by historian Sima Qian in his most noted work Shiji, written a century after the mausoleum’s completion. Work on the mausoleum began in 246 BCE soon after Emperor Qin ascended the throne, and the project eventually involved 700,000 workers. Geographer Li Daoyuan, writing six centuries after the First Emperor’s death, recorded in Shui Jing Zhu that Mount Li was a favoured location due to its auspicious geology, “famed for its jade mines, its northern side was rich in gold, and its southern side rich in beautiful jade; the First Emperor, covetous of its fine reputation, therefore chose to be buried there”. Sima Qian wrote that the First Emperor was buried with palaces, towers, officials, valuable artifacts and wondrous objects. According to this account, 100 flowing rivers were simulated using mercury, and above them the ceiling was decorated with heavenly bodies below which were the features of the land. Some translations of this passage refer to “models” or “imitations”; however, those words were not used in the original text, which makes no mention of the terracotta army. High levels of mercury were found in the soil of the tomb mound, giving credence to Sima Qian’s account. Later historical accounts suggested that the tomb had been looted by Xiang Yu, a contender for the throne after the death of the first emperor. However, there are indications that the tomb may not have been plundered.

The Terracotta Army was discovered on 29 March 1974 by farmers digging a water well approximately 1.5 kilometres east of the Qin Emperor’s tomb mound at Mount Li, a region riddled with underground springs and watercourses. For centuries, occasional reports mentioned pieces of terracotta figures and fragments of the Qin necropolis – roofing tiles, bricks and chunks of masonry. This discovery prompted Chinese archaeologists to investigate, revealing the largest pottery figurine group ever found in China. A museum complex has since been constructed over the area, with the largest pit enclosed within with a large structure.

8 March 1974

Charles de Gaulle Airport opens in Paris, France.

Charles-de-Gaulle Airport keeps busy as Europe’s second largest airport, moving 62 million passengers in 2013, but as it celebrates 40 it is poised to further enhance its image and accommodate even more growth.

The proposal to develop Charles-de-Gaulle, and the selection of the site 25 km north-east of Paris originally began in 1964, with construction on Terminal 1 starting in 1968. It was inaugurated on March 8, 1974, by then Prime Minister Pierre Messmer, and opened for business on March 13 with the much celebrated arrival of a TWA Boeing 747 from New York. The original circular terminal, considered at the very edge of the avant-garde at the time, was designed by architect Paul Andreu, with capacity to host 10 million passengers.

Over the years, it has added the equally iconic Terminal 2, with its first two undulating modules opening in 1982. It has celebrated a number of key milestones since then, establishing the smaller Terminal three for charter and low-cost flights in 1991, adding 2E as a dedicated terminal for Air France and Skyteam in 2003, and the additional introductions of Terminal 2G, Lobby K, Hall L, and Hall M, in 2008 and 2012.

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This January, it shared its future vision of incorporating the door-to-door passenger experience recommended by key aviation design firms, with the announcement by Transport Minister Frédéric Cuvillier of a restart for the CDG Express project, which will provide direct rail link between the City of Lights and the airport.

As it turns 40, Charles-de-Gaulle, can celebrate with 80 million candles, one for every passenger in its present capacity, which represents 70% growth compared to 2006. A spokesperson for Paris Airports tells us Charles-de-Gaulle expects a “huge increase in capacity over the next 10 years,” with passenger numbers expected to double over the next twenty years. Roissy-Charles-de-Gaulle has already begun plans to develop Terminal 4, in order to accommodate this significant additional demand, and they intend to keep their lead among Europe’s Airports.

With present Visa restrictions at Heathrow, and passenger growth originating from a number of countries which would benefit from the versatility of Schengen Agreement connections, Paris in the second spot, Frankfurt in the third, and Amsterdam a close fourth will contend with other European airports which intend to expand their services; in what will certainly prove to be an exciting competition for the number one spot.

In anticipation of that competition, and in order to ensure the greatest mutual benefit of future traffic from Asian Markets, Aéroports de Paris, and Schiphol Group renewed their cooperation with Incheon International Airport this January, by signing a new strategic partnership. The partnership involves an “exchange of good practices” in the areas of “aeronautical activities, airport retail, cargo and human resources.”

This present agreement signed on January 20 will be in effect for the next four years. Key team members of all three airport companies will continue the cooperation they began in meetings held in Paris, Amsterdam and Seoul, over the past three years, and discuss the challenges of their Airport City concept, and the needs of international passengers.

For its part, Charles-de-Gaulle intends to celebrate it’s gorgeous 40th by hosting a series of special events, which it is being very coy about and will announce this Friday.

4 February 1974

The Symbionese Liberation Army kidnaps Patty Hearst in Berkeley, California.

On February 4, 1974, Patty Hearst, the 19-year-old daughter of newspaper publisher Randolph Hearst, is kidnapped from her apartment in Berkeley, California, by two black men and a white woman, all three of whom are armed. Her fiance, Stephen Weed, was beaten and tied up along with a neighbor who tried to help. Witnesses reported seeing a struggling Hearst being carried away blindfolded, and she was put in the trunk of a car. Neighbors who came out into the street were forced to take cover after the kidnappers fired their guns to cover their escape.

Three days later, the Symbionese Liberation Army, a small U.S. leftist group, announced in a letter to a Berkeley radio station that it was holding Hearst as a “prisoner of war.” Four days later, the SLA demanded that the Hearst family give $70 in foodstuffs to every needy person from Santa Rosa to Los Angeles. This done, said the SLA, negotiation would begin for the return of Patricia Hearst. Randolph Hearst hesitantly gave away some $2 million worth of food. The SLA then called this inadequate and asked for $6 million more. The Hearst Corporation said it would donate the additional sum if the girl was released unharmed.

In April, however, the situation changed dramatically when a surveillance camera took a photo of Hearst participating in an armed robbery of a San Francisco bank, and she was also spotted during a robbery of a Los Angeles store. She later declared, in a tape sent to the authorities, that she had joined the SLA of her own free will.

On May 17, Los Angeles police raided the SLA’s secret headquarters, killing six of the group’s nine known members. Among the dead was the SLA’s leader, Donald DeFreeze, an African American ex-convict who called himself General Field Marshal Cinque. Patty Hearst and two other SLA members wanted for the April bank robbery were not on the premises.

Finally, on September 18, 1975, after crisscrossing the country with her captors–or conspirators–for more than a year, Hearst, or “Tania” as she called herself, was captured in a San Francisco apartment and arrested for armed robbery. Despite her claim that she had been brainwashed by the SLA, she was convicted on March 20, 1976, and sentenced to seven years in prison. She served 21 months before her sentence was commuted by President Carter. After leaving prison, she returned to a more routine existence and later married her bodyguard. She was pardoned by President Clinton in January 2001.

21 November 1974

The Birmingham pub bombings kill 21 people.


Bombs have devastated two central Birmingham pubs, killing 19 people and injuring over 180.Police have said they believe the Provisional IRA planted the devices in the Mulberry Bush and the nearby Tavern in the Town.

The explosions coincided with the return to Ireland of the body of James McDade, the IRA man who was killed in Coventry last week when the bomb he was planting blew up prematurely.
The two blasts were only seconds apart and happened at about 2030 GMT, when the bars were packed with mainly teenage drinkers.

Police attempted to clear both pubs, but the bombs went off only 12 minutes after a man with an Irish accent telephoned the Birmingham Post newspaper with a warning.The first attack was in the Mulberry Bush, which is located on the ground-floor of the 17-storey Rotunda office block.

The second device exploded 50-yards (45.7 m) away in an underground bar, the Tavern in the Town.Michael Willis, 18, was in the Tavern when the bomb went off.”I was going to put a record on the juke box when there was an explosion.

“There were bodies everywhere and I had to clamber over them to get out – the screaming and groaning from the injured was terrifying,” he said.Many of the injured were ferried to nearby hospital in taxis and private cars, and dozens of ambulances from all over the West Midlands were called in.

Assistant Chief Constable for West Midlands Police Maurice Buck said the carnage caused by the bombs was “disastrous and appalling”.

19 October 1974

The island nation of Niue becomes a self-governing colony of New Zealand.


Niue is an island country in the South Pacific Ocean, 2,400 kilometres northeast of New Zealand, east of Tonga, south of Samoa, and west of the Cook Islands. Niue’s land area is about 261 square kilometres and its population, predominantly Polynesian, was about 1,600 in 2016.The island is commonly referred to as “The Rock”, which comes from the traditional name “Rock of Polynesia”.

Niue, whose capital is the village of Alofi, is a self-governing state in free association with New Zealand; and New Zealand conducts most diplomatic relations on its behalf. Niueans are citizens of New Zealand, and Queen Elizabeth II is head of state in her capacity as Queen of New Zealand. Between 90–95% of Niuean people live in New Zealand, along with about 70% of the speakers of the Niuean language.A bilingual country, Niue has over 30% of its population speak both Niuean and English, though the percentage of monolingual English-speaking people is only 11%, while 46% are monolingual Niuean speakers. Rugby is the most played sport in Niue. In October 2016, Niue officially declared that all its national debt was paid off, and that there was no longer any national debt in Niue.

Niue is not a member of the United Nations, but UN organizations have accepted its status as a freely-associated state as equivalent to independence for the purposes of international law. As such, Niue is a full member of some UN specialised agencies and the WHO, and is invited, alongside the other non-UN member state, the Cook Islands, to attend United Nations conferences open to “all states”. Niue is subdivided into 14 villages. Each village has a village council that elects its chairman. The villages are at the same time electoral districts. Each village sends an assemblyman to the Parliament of Niue.